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HISTORY  OF  NATIONS. 


THE  TREATY  .V7OA7:.  LIMERICK 


HISTORY 

OF 


IRELAND. 


FROM 

THE   ANGLO-NORMAN   INVASION   TILL  THE  UNION   OF  THB; 
COUNTRY   WITH   GREAT    BR1TIAN. 

BY 

W.  C  TAYLOR,  ESQ.,   A.  B., 

OF  TRINITY  COLLEGE,  DUBLIN. 
with  Additions 

BY  WIIJJAM  vSAMPSON.    ESQ. 

I  X      T  W  O      V  O  L  U  M  K  S  . 

Vol.   L 


HISTORY  OF  IRELAND 


^NQLO-NORMAN     INVASION     TILL     THE     UNIOM     OF     TKM 
COUNTRY    WITH    GREAT    BRITAIN. 


BY  W.  C.  TAYLOR,  ESQ.,  A.B., 

OF   TRINITY   COLLEGE,    DUBl.ll* 
WITH     ADDITIONS, 

BY  WILLIAM   SAMPSON,    ESQ. 

IN    TWO     VOLUMES. 

VOL.    I. 


THE  BRADLEY   COMPANY,  PUBLISHEBS. 

NEW  TOBK 


91  0 
T  2  J 

\ie  • 

V,  i 


ADVERTISEMENT 


THE    AMERICAN   EDITION. 


THE  following  work  was  originally  written  for, 
•c       and  published  as  one  of  the  numbers  of  **  Consta- 
g§       Die's  Miscellany."     Upon  its  appearance  the  Amer- 
-*       lean  publishers,  aware  that  an  authentic  and  Well- 
es      written  History  of  Ireland  was  yet  to  be  issued 
03       from  the  press  in  this  country,  and  believing  that 
f~       it  would  be  generally  acceptable  and  increase  the 
._      value  of  their  Family  Libraiy,  took  measures  to 
=J      obtain  the  opinions  of  several  Irish  gentlemen  well 
known  for  then-  love  of  country  and  literary  acquire- 
ments, and  upon  the  soundness  of  whose  judgment 
le   utmost  reliance   may  well  be   placed :    these 
gentlemen  unanimously,  and  without  hesitation,  pro- 
nounced Mr.  Taylor's  "  the  best  summary  of  Irish 
history  that  they  had  any  knowledge  of,"  and  ex 
pressed  in  strong  terms  the  pleasure  it  would  give 
them,  and,  as  they  believed,  the  public,  to  see  it 


ADVERTISEMENT. 

republished  in  a  collection  so  popular  and  ejrten 
sively  read  as  the  Family  Library. 
'  Among  the  gentlemen  just  alluded  to  was  WIL- 
LIAM SAMPSON,  Esq.,  whose  high  character  for 
learning,  patriotism,  and  discrimination  requires  no 
eulogy  ;  to  him  the  publishers  are  deeply  indebted 
for  some  valuable  information  upon  Irish  history, 
which  has  been  added  to  the  work  as  originally 
published,  and  will,  it  is  hoped  and  believed,  prove 
in  a  high  degree  interesting  to  the  lovers  of  Ireland 
and  Ireland's  cause. 

The  title  of  Mr.  Taylor's  volumes,  as  published 
in  Edinburgh,  was  **  History  of  the  Civil  Wars  in 
Ireland  :"  it  was  suggested  to  the  American  pub- 
lishers, that  with  Mr.  Sampson's  additions,  the  char- 
acter of  the  work  was  more  general,  and  that  there- 
fore the  title  which  they  have  adopted  would  be 
more  appropriate. 

New-York,  1833. 


PREFACE, 


THE  History  of  Ireland,  from  the  period  of  th« 
Anglo-Norman  invasion,  presents  a  series  of  anom- 
«lies  not  to  be  paralleled  in  the  annals  of  any  other 
European  country.  Even  now,  after  the  lapse  of 
nearly  seven  centuries,  the  suspicious  jealousy  of 
foreign  rule  remains  as  strong  as  at  the  first  arrival 
of  the  invaders.  The  government  obtains  at  best 
a  sullen  and  reluctant  obedience.  The  laws  are 
viewed  as  institutions  framed  exclusively  for  the 
benefit  of  a  ruling  party,  and  not  for  the  general  ad- 
vantage of  the  nation.  England  and  France,  when 
first  subjugated  by  the  Teutonic  tribes,  suffered 
more  severely  than  Ire  land ;  William  and  Clovis 
were  more  unprincipled  leaders  than  the  second 
Henry;  their  followers  more  cruel  and  rapacious  than 
-he  companions  of  Strongbow  and  Fitz-Stephen : 
out  in  these  countries  the  age  of  oppression  and  suf- 
fering passed  away.  The  Saxons  and  Normans  co- 
alesced. The  Gauls  were  united  with  the  Franks. 
The  victors  and  the  vanquished  became  one  peo- 
ple, having  common  feelings  and  common  interests. 
Ireland  is  the  only  country  in  which  the  condition 
of  the  conquered  has  not  been  ameliorated,  and 
where  the  separate  interest  of  two  distinct  races  is 


6  PREFACE. 

still  maintained,  as  if  its  subjugation  was   but  • 
thing  of  yesterday. 

The  evils  that  have  flowed  from  this  disunion 
and  the  dangers  which  it  still  threatens,  are  univer 
sally  acknowledged  ;  but  there  is  not  the  same  una 
nimity  in  assigning  the  cause  of  its  continuance. 
On  this  subject  the  theories  are  as  numerous  as  the 
writers ;  and  each  is  supported  with  a  fierceness 
and  violence  unusual  even  in  the  most  furious  po- 
litical warfare.  The  blame  of  the  long  catalogue 
of  ills  under  which  Ireland  has  suffered  we  find 
alternately  cast  on  the  British  and  on  the  local  gov- 
ernment— on  the  churches  of  Rome  and  of  Eng- 
land— on  the  successive  oligarchies  that  controlled 
the  destinies  of  the  country,  and  on  the  several  fac- 
tions by  which  they  were  opposed — on  the  oppres- 
sions of  magistrates,  and  on  the  artifices  of  dema- 
gogues— and  on  a  thousand  other  causes,  potent 
enough  collectively  to  produce  considerable  mis- 
chief, but  separately  insufficient  to  account  for  that 
fast  amount  of  evil  to  which  the  country  has  been 
subjected.  An  impartial  inquirer  might  be  led  to 
surmise  that  blame  in  different  degrees  belonged  to 
all  the  parties  enumerated  ;  and  a  careful  investiga- 
tion would  confirm  his  suspicion.  But  when  he 
proceeds  to  apportion  to  each  their  several  shares 
of  censure,  he  must  prepare  to  encounter  the  most 
virulent  opposition.  At  variance  in  every  other 
respect,  the  several  political  partisans  who  have 
written  on  Irish  history  are  wondrously  unanimous 
in  one  principle — each  maintaining  that  there  was 
nothing  wrong  on  the  side  which  he  chose  to  ad- 


PREFACE.  Y 

rocate,  and  that  there  was  nothing  right  in  the  op- 
posite. 

The  application  of  this  creed  greatly  simplifies 
the  historical  judgment  of  Irishmen.  All  questions 
finally  resolve  themselves  into  the  single  topic  of 
party.  The  name  of  rebel  or  patriot,  and  loyalist 
or  oppressor,  is  given  without  further  inquiry  ;  and 
all  difficulties  are  thus  settled  in  a  moment.  This 
compendious  but  not  very  accurate  mode  of  form- 
ing opinions  is  strengthened  by  the  absurd  and 
mischievous  sophism,  that  identity  of  name  proves 
dentity  of  character.  There  is  no  sophism  by 
which  men  are  more  deceived — there  is  no  part  of 
the  globe  where  it  is  more  prevalent  than  in  Ire- 
land. The  Roman  Catholic  feels  himself  personally 
wounded  by  the  historian  who  faithfully  describes 
the  blasphemous  insolence  with  which  the  pope 
transferred  to  a  foreigner  the  sovereignty  over  a 
free  people,  and  the  base  cupidity  shown  by  the 
Irish  prelates  in  bartering  their  country's  independ- 
ence for  wealth  and  privilege.  The  zealous  Prot- 
estant is  offended  when  the  ignorance  and  indo- 
lence of  the  clergy  sent  over  by  Henry  VIII.  and 
Elizabeth  are  portrayed  ;  and  will  equally  be  dis- 
pleased with  him  who  describes  the  ferocious  fanati- 
cism of  Cromwell's  Puritans,  and  the  more  crafty 
intolerance  of  their  successors.  Frequently  must 
'Jie  writer  of  Irish  history  feel  the  truth  of  the  com- 
plaint made  by  the  venerable  Bede, — "  Dura  est 
enim  conditio  historiagraphorum  :  Quia  si  veradi- 
cant  homines  provocant,  si  falsa  scripturis  com- 


8  PREFACE. 

mendant,  Dominus  qui  veradicos  ab  adulatorioos 
sequesrrat,  non  acceptat."* 

Unconnected  with  any  of  the  parties  by  which 
his  native  country  is  distracted — reverencing  many 
individuals  ranged  on  opposite  sides — persuaded 
that  rancour  would  be  abated  if  the  different  parties 
were  acquainted  with  the  true  feelings  and  princi- 
ples of  their  opponents,  the  writer  of  these  volumes 
has  no  motive  to  disguise  truth — no  interest  in  in- 
renting  virtues  or  concealing  vices.  It  is  not  easy 
M  execute  a  task  where  the  occasions  for  censure  are 
numerous,  and  for  commendation  few,  without  pro 
voking  the  hostility  of  those  who  are  bigoted  to  a 
partial  and  uncandid  view  of  transactions.  To 
blame  the  government  will  probably  be  deemed  ad- 
vocacy of  treason ;  and  censure  of  the  people  be 
termed  justification  of  oppression.  The  violent 
Roman  Catholic  may  call  the  author  an  Orange- 
man ;  while  the  equally  violent  Protestant  may  stig- 
matize him  as  a  papist.  He  condescends  not  to 
refute  either.  Let  them  war  against  the  perpe- 
trators of  the  crimes  of  which  they  are  ashamed, 
and  not  against  the  person  by  whom  they  are  nar- 
rated. 

There  is  a  part  of  the  first  chapter  which  needs 
some  apology,  as  it  will  probably  give  offence  to  a 
very  innocent  but  not  a  very  wise  portion  of  the 

*  The  hard  condition  of  the  historian  is,  that  if  he 
speak  the  truth  he  provokes  the  anger  of  men;  but  if  he 
commit  falsehoods  to  writing  he  will  be  unacceptable  to 
God,  who  will  distinguish  in  his  judgments  between  truth 
%nd  adulation. 


PREFACE.  9 

community — the  believers  in  the  authenticity  of 
early  Irish  history.  The  author  shelters  himself 
under  the  sanction  of  Niebuhr,  who  has  impeached 
the  credibility  of  Livy  and  Dionysius,  though  either 
authority  is  a  thousand  times  more  valuable  than 
the  dreaming  monks  and  adulatory  sennachies 
whose  stories  have  been  collected  by  Keating  and 
O'Flaherty.  It  would  be  an  insult  to  the  under- 
standing of  Englishmen  if  a  writer  should  now  se- 
riously refute  the  tale  of  Brute  the  Trojan.  It 
ought  to  be  equally  unnecessary  to  examine  such 
idle  tales  as  those  which  grave  writers  on  Ireland 
still  maintain  as  genuine  traditions.  But  it  is  surely 
pardonable  that  a  true  lover  of  his  country  should 
be  allowed  to  turn  from  her  authentic  annals  of 
blood  and  crime,  to  refresh  his  saddened  mind  in 
those  regions  of  romance  which  fancy  has  peopled 
with  fairy  images  of  harmony,  tranquillity,  and 
civilization.  Still,  such  reveries  are  sometimes 
used  for  a  mischievous  purpose  ;  and  the  assertion 
that  Ireland  owes  all  her  misery  to  English  con- 
nexion— an  assertion  as  false  as  it  is  pernicious 
— has  been  made  too  frequently  to  be  passed  over 
without  examination. 

The  following  work  may  be  considered  as  di- 
vided into  six  periods  of  unequal  duration.  The 
first  contains  the  formation  of  the  English  connexion, 
and  includes  the  time  from  Strongbow's  invasion  to 
the  death  of  Henry  II.  The  second  period  is  oc- 
cupied by  the  baronial  wars,  which  deteriorated  the 
English  interest  until  the  sovereignty  was  merely 
nominal ;  and  spreads  over  all  the  reigns  between 

I.    » 


10  r RE FACE. 

Henry  II.  and  Henry  VIII.  The  third  commences 
with  die  accession  of  that  monarch,  and  contains 
the  detail  of  the  struggle  for  re-establishing  and  ex- 
tending the  English  supremacy,  which  was  com- 
pleted by  Elizabeth  and  James  I.  The  fourth  is 
occupied  by  the  great  civil  war  of  1641,  and  its 
various  revolutions,  until  the  passing  of  the  Act  of 
Settlement.  The  fifth  contains  the  wars  between 
James  II.  and  his  son-in-law  William,  until  the  res- 
toration of  tranquillity  by  the  treaty  of  Limerick. 
And  the  sixth  brings  the  history  down  to  the  Act 
of  Union,  at  the  commencement  of  the  present 
century. 

It  does  not  become  a  writer  to  speak  of  the 
merits  of  his  work,  but  he  may  be  permitted  to  as- 
sert the  purity  of  his  intentions.  The  author  can 
safely  say  that  truth  has  been  his  only  object ;  that, 
amid  the  conflicting  statements  of  historians,  he 
has  always  selected  that  which  was  supported  by 
the  best  authorities ;  that  he  has,  in  almost  every 
instance,  consulted  the  original  records,  and  made 
no  assertion  which  they  did  not  fully  support.  He 
is  aware  that  he  cannot  please  all  parties,  and  he 
has  not  laboured  to  flatter  any.  He  may  be  ma- 
ligned and  misrepresented  ;  but,  feeling  that  he  has 
at  least  performed  his  task  honestly,  he  can  console 
himself  under  calumny  by  the  approbation  of  his 
own  conscience. 


CONTENTS 
or 

THE    FIRST    VOLUME. 


I  KBFAOI  .................................. 5 

CHAPTER  L 

indent  History  of  Ireland— Political  Condition  of  the  Country  «t 
tile  Time  of  the  Anglo-Norman  Invasion................. SI 

CHAPTER  H. 
The  Causes  and  Occasion  of  the  Anglo-Norman  Invasion Si 

CHAPTER  HI. 
BtrongDow's  Invasion 41 

CHAPTER  IV 
The  Reign  of  Henry  II.. W 

CHAPTER  V. 
TbeRefgns  of  Richard  L,  John,  and  Henry  111 79 

CHAPTER  VL 

The  Reigns  of  Edward  I.,  H.,  and  III M 

CHAPTER  VII. 

The  History  of  Ireland  during  the  Civil  Wars  between  the  Houses 
of  York  and  Lancaster 11* 

CHAPTER  Vm. 
From  th«  Accession  of  Henry  vn.  to  the  Rpfbnn«1on 1S» 


CONTENT*. 

CHAPTER  DL 
The  Effecta*  the  Reftraaatico  In  Ireland M* 

CHAPTER  X. 
The  Wan  agate*  John  OTSeill  and  the  Earl  of  Deanon* Ml 

CHAPTER  XL 
The  AdmtahrtratkJD  of  Sir  John  Perrot ** 

CHAPTER  XU. 
The  War  again*  Hugh  (WUeffl m 

CHAPTER  Xlli 
The  Reign  oT  Jamee  L M 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

From  the  Accession  of  Charles  L  to  the  OonnnencerMnt  of  the 
great  Civil  War  to  Ulster 

CHAPTER  XV. 

The  War  of  1«1  to  Otatet - a 

CHAPTER  XVL 


THE 

HISTORY  OF  IRELAND. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Ancient  History  of  Ireland— Political  Condition  of  the  Country  at  (M 
Time  of  the  Anglo-Norman  Invasion. 

THE  pretensions  of  the  Irish  to  an  antiquity  more 
remote  than  that  of  other  Europeans,  and  their  claims 
of  being  descended  from  the  most  powerful  and 
enlightened  of  the  eastern  nations,  have  been  attacked 
and  defended  with  a  zeal  and  vigour  beyond  the  laws 
of  literary  controversy.  In  this  contest,  the  cause 
of  Irish  history  has  suffered  far  more  from  the  ex- 
travagant claims  of  its  advocates,  than  from  the 
fiercest  assaults  of  its  opponents.  The  suspicious 
particularity  of  the  more  remote  incidents,  and  the 
still  more  suspicious  coincidence  of  the  epochs  with 
the  received  system  of  chronology,  are  gravely 
quoted  as  proofs  of  genuine  antiquity,  while,  in  fact, 
rthey  are  decisive  evidences  of  falsification.  The 
'  materials  from  whence  the  historians  have  compiled 
their  narratives,  were  the  songs  of  the  bards,  the 
genealogies  of  the  sennachies,  and  the  popular  le- 
gends current  in  their  day  ;  and  it  is  manifest  that 
such  records  must  have  been  replete  with  errors 
and  defects,  and,  above  all  things,  must  have  con- 
tained little  or  no  reference  to  dates  and  eras.  The 
monks  of  Ireland,  in  the  middle  ages,  seem  to  have 
surpassed  their  brethren  of  Britain  in  the  art  of  fab- 
icating  history.  The  latter  went  no  togher  than  the 


22  HISTORY   OP  IRELAND. 

days  of  Brute  the  Trojan;  but  the  former  boldly 
ascended  to  the  days  of  Adam,  and  brought  his 
granddaughter  to  Ireland  with  a  numerous  colony, 
before  the  primitive  race  had  yet  degenerated  into 
crime.  The  intervention  of  the  deluge  might  have 
been  supposed  to  throw  some  difficulties  in  the  way 
of  this  hopeful  legend ;  but  for  this  a  remedy  was 
easily  provided — one  fortunate  individual  was  saved 
in  the  western  world,  to  relate  the  circumstances  of 
that  great  event  to  the  next  band  of  colonists  who 
arrived  in  the  country.  The  new  settlers  could 
boast  of  an  origin  equally  illustrious :  they  were 
Greeks,  under  the  guidance  of  Partholanus,  whose 
genealogy  from  Noah  is  traced  with  edifying  ac- 
curacy. After  this,  several  new  tribes  arrive  from 
places  equally  illustrious  ;  but  their  fame  is  absorbed 
in  the  superior  glory  of  the  Milesian  colony,  whose 
arrival  in  Ireland  is  dated  previous  to  the  Argonautic 
expedition ;  that  is,  before  Greece  had  a  traditional 
history !  The  history  of  the  Milesians  before  their 
arrival  in  Ireland  is  detailed  at  length  in  the  Irish 
legends.  They  were,  it  appears,  a  Phenician  branch 
of  the  vast  Scythic  nation,  to  which  the  greatest  re- 
volutions in  ancient  and  modern  times  have  been 
generally  ascribed.  Phenius,  the  chief  legislator  of 
the  tribe,  having  invented  letters,  and  some  impor- 
tant arts  of  civilized  life,  acquired  great  fame  in  the 
neighbouring  nations,  and  the  Egyptian  king  sent 
ambassadors  to  his  court.  Niul  the  son  of  Phenius, 
progenitor  of  the  O'Neill  family,  was  sent  with  a 
numerous  train  to  return  the  compliment,  and  so 
highly  pleased  Pharaoh,  that  he  obtained  his  daughtei 
in  marriage,  and  a  fertile  tract  on  the  banks  of  the 
Egyptian  river  as  her  dowry.  From  him  the  river 
Nile  takes  its  name ;  and  from  him  Egypt  derived 
all  that  knowledge  which  in  subsequent  ages  en- 
titled her  to  be  named  the  parent  of  civilization 
Shortly  after  this  the  Exodus  occurred;  and  the 
Phenicians  treated  the  departing  Israelites  with  so 
much  generosity,  that  the  silence  of  Moses  on  tha 


HISTORY  or  IRELAND.  23 

tubject  is  a  matter  perfectly  unaccountable.  The 
Egyptians  who  survived  the  calamity  of  the  Red 
Sea  were  indignant  at  the  kindness  shown  to  the 
Israelites.  They  expelled  the  Phenicians  from  then 
territories;  and,  after  a  long  course  of  wandering, 
in  which  they  successively  established  themselves 
In  Crete,  in  Africa,  and  in  Spain,  they  at  last  landed 
in  Erin,  bringing  to  that  favoured  country  the  know- 
ledge of  letters,  and  the  elements  of  civilization, 
long  before  Greece  had  emerged  from  barbarism,  or 
Italy  received  the  arts  of  social  life.  When  at- 
tempts are  made  to  impose  such  a  wild  romance  as 
this  on  the  world  for  history,  it  is  no  wonder  that 
the  whole  mass  of  the  Irish  annals  should  be  rejected 
with  disgust,  and  that  the  few  important  truths  which 
are  mixed  up  with  a  mass  of  similar  fictions,  should 
share  in  the  merited  condemnation  such  legends 
must  inevitably  meet. 

There  is  really  no  authentic  history  of  Ireland  be- 
fore the  introduction  of  Christianity  into  the  coun- 
try ;  but  there  are  some  genuine  traditions  which  ap- 
pear to  be  based  in  truth,  because  they  accord  with 
and  explain  the  peculiar  customs  which  were  found 
to  prevail  in  the  island  at  the  time  of  the  English  in- 
vasion. These  traditions  declare,  that  the  original 
Celtic  inhabitants  were  subdued  by  an  Asiatic  col- 
ony, or  at  least  by  the  descendants  of  some  Eastern 
people,  at  a  very  remote  period  :  they  aver,  that  the 
conquerors  were  as  inferior  to  the  original  inhabi- 
tants in  numbers,  as  they  were  superior  in  military 
discipline  and  the  arts  of  social  life :  they  describe 
the  conquest  as  a  work  of  time  and  trouble ;  and  as- 
sert, that,  after  its  completion,  an  hereditary  monarchy 
and  an  hereditary  aristocracy  were  for  the  first  time 
established  in  Ireland.  It  has  been  judiciously  re- 
marked by  Faber,  that,  "  in  the  progress  of  the  hu- 
man mind,  there  is  an  invariable  tendency,  not  to  in- 
troduce into  an  undisturbed  community  a  palpable 
difference  between  lords  and  serfs,  instead  of  a  legal 


*4  HISTORY    OF   IRELAND. 

equality  of  rights  ;  but  to  abolish  such  difference  by 
enfranchising  the  serfs.  Hence,  from  me  universal 
experience  of  history,  we  may  be  sure  that,  whenever 
this  distinction  is  found  to  exist,  the  society  must  be 
composed  of  two  races  of  men  differing  from  each 
other  in  point  of  origin."  We  shall  soon  show  that 
such  a  distinction  prevailed  in  Ireland ;  and  shall 
now  only  add,  that  the  original  difference  -between 
the  successive  settlers  in  the  country  is  not  even  yet 
effaced.  The  blue  eyes,  flaxen  hair,  and  fair  com- 
plexion of  the  peasantry  on  the  eastern  coast  and 
in  the  midland  districts,"  show  that  they  are  a  dif- 
ferent race  from  the  dark-visaged,  black-haired  inhab- 
itants of  the  south-western  counties.  Besides  the 
uniform  tradition  that  the  Milesian  colonists  were 
of  Asiatic  origin,  there  are  many  customs  still  pre- 
served in  Ireland,  plainly  derived  from  some  Eastern 
source.  The  forms  of  salutation,  the  Beltane  fires, 
manifestly  derived  from  the  former  prevalence  of 
solar  worship,  and  the  feastings  and  cries  at  fune- 
rals, so  completely  coincide  with  the  descriptions  of 
Asiatic  manners  given  by  all  travellers  ancient  and 
modern,  that  it  is  difficult  to  refuse  assent  to  the  tra- 
ditionary account  of  the  Milesian  origin.  Those 
unaccountable  edifices,  the  round  towers  of  Ireland, 
are  frequently  quoted  in  proof  of  this  theory  ;  and 
certainly  the  most  plausible  account  given  of  them 
is,  that  they  were  erected  for  the  purpose  of  fire- 
worship.  But  this  is  a  subject  involved  in  hopeless 
obscurity,  and  cannot  consequently  afford  much  ad- 
ditional strength  to  our  previous  arguments. 

The  state  of  society  in  Ireland,  the  form  of  govern- 
ment, and  the  tenure  of  land  previous  to  the  Anglo- 
Norman  invasion,  are  subjects  of  much  more  import- 
ance than  the  origin  of  the  nation ;  for,  without  a 
previous  investigation  of  these  matters,  much  of  the 
subsequent  history  of  the  country  would  be  scarcely 
intelligible.  The  attachment  of  the  Irish  to  thei 
ancient  usages,  and  the  eager  desire  of  the  first  in 


HISTORY   OF   IRELAND.  25 

?aders  to  adopt  these  institutions,  was  the  primarjr 
source  of  the  greatest  evils  by  which  the  country  was 
afflicted ;  and,  notwithstanding  the  many  changes  of 
rule  and  chances  of  time  which  have  occurred  in 
Ireland,  their  pernicious  consequences  are  felt  at  the 
present  hour. 

At  some  unknown  period,  Ii  eland  was  divided  by 
the  Milesian  conquerors  into  five  kingdoms,  Ulster, 
Leinster,  Connaught,  Munster,  and  Meath  ;  the  latter 
was  at  a  subsequent,  but  equally  uncertain,  age  con- 
sidered as  the  peculiar  property  of  the  paramount 
sovereign.  It  is  impossible  to  determine  at  what 
time  the  entire  island  was  first  united  under  a  single 
monarch.  Neither  is  the  inquiry  of  any  import- 
ance; for  the  authority  of  the  lord  paramount  was 
merely  nominal,  unless  he  had  the  good  fortune  to 
possess  sufficient  forces  in  his  hereditary  dominions 
to  ensure  obedience. 

These  kingdoms  were  again  subdivided  into  sev- 
eral principalities,  inhabited  by  distinct  septs,  each 
ruled  by  its  own  carfinny  or  chieftain.  The  obedi- 
ence of  these  local  rulers  or  toparchs  to  the  provincial 
sovereign  was  regulated  like  his  to  the  general  mon- 
arch, by  the  powers  that  he  possessed  for  enforcing 
his  authority.  Each  petty  lord  presided  over  the 
administration  of  justice  in  his  own  dominion,  and 
possessed,  or  at  least  exercised,  the  right  of  making 
war  and  peace  with  his  neighbours  at  his  pleasure. 

The  succession  to  every  degree  of  sovereignty 
was  regulated  by  the  law  of  tanistry,  which  limited 
hereditary  right  to  the  family,  but  not  to  the  individ- 
ual. The  chiefs  could  only  be  selected  from  noble 
houses;  but  there  was  not  an  individual  of  each  royal 
or  noble  family  that  might  not  become  a  candidate 
for  the  office  of  tanist  or  chieftain-elect.  The  lovr 
of  offspring  might  probably  have  induced  the  toparchs 
to  limit  the  right  of  succession  to  their  immediate 
descendants,  had  it  not  been  the  custom  to  elect  the 
tanist  immediately  after  the  a"ceseion  of  the  chief; 


26  HISTORY    OF   IRELAND. 

and  the  interest  which  procured  his  designation 
would  of  course  be  sufficient  to  secure  his  right  of 
inheritance.  This  pernicious  custom  was  productive 
of  unmixed  misery.  Every  election  of  tanist  was 
necessarily  productive  of  party-feuds,  which  rarely 
terminated  without  bloodshed.  The  chiefs  looked 
with  jealous  eyes  on  those  who  only  waited  for  their 
deaths  to  attain  the  rank  of  princes  ;  and  the  tanists, 
conscious  of  these  suspicions,  frequently  endeavoured 
to  accelerate  the  moment  of  their  elevation  by  open 
war  or  secret  assassination.  In  the  list  of  178  mon- 
archs  of  the  Milesian  line  enumerated  by  the  Irish 
historians,  only  47  died  natural  deaths,  71  were  slain 
in  battle,  and  60  murdered.  It  may  indeed  be  said, 
and  with  some  truth,  that  this  list  is  a  fabrication  ; 
but  it  was  probably  composed  by  combining  the  ge- 
nealogies of  several  provincial  monarchs,  whose  pride 
was  flattered  by  the  notion  that  their  ancestors  ruled 
the  entire  island ;  and  at  all  events,  it  shows  the 
proportion  between  violent  changes  and  peaceful 
successions  in  the  opinion  of  the  native  historians 
themselves. 

Each  district  was  deemed  the  common  property 
of  the  entire  sept ;  but  the  distribution  of  the  several 
shares  was  intrusted  to  the  toparch.  The  cultivators 
had,  consequently,  no  property  in  the  soil,  and  were 
little  interested  in  improving  it  by  cultivation.  The 
tanist  alone  was  assigned  an  inalienable  portion  of 
mesnal  land;  all  the  others  were  tenants  at  the  will 
of  the  toparch,  and  removable  without  the  formality 
of  a  notice.  The  accession  of  every  chief,  the  death 
of  a  large  proprietor,  the  reception  of  a  new  member 
into  the  sept,  and  the  banishment  of  any  who 
had  displeased  the  chief,  usually  produced  a  new 
division  of  land,  which  kept,  property  in  a  state  of 
constant  fluctuation  ;  and  the  custom  of  inheritance 
by  gavelkind,  extended  and  perpetuated  the  evil. 
The  gavelkiii-1  of  Ireland  and  Wales  differed,  in  sev. 
eml  impnrtnnt  PHI  ti<'n]nr?,  from  that  which  still  pre- 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  27 

vails  in  some  parts  of  England.  By  the  Irish  custom, 
females  were  absolutely  excluded  from  all  right  of 
inheritance  ;  and  no  distinction  was  made  between 
legitimate  and  illegitimate  children.  The  lower 
orders  were  divided  into  freemen  and  betages,*  or, 
as  they  were  called  by  the  Normans,  villains.  The 
former  had  the  privilege  of  choosing  their  tribe  ;  the 
latter  were  bound  to  the  soil,  and  transferred  with  it 
in  any  grant  or  deed  of  sale. 

These  institutions!  are  manifestly  inconsistent 
with  the  high  degree  of  civilization  which  the  Irish 
historians  describe  in  such  glowing  colours.  Where 
the  great  majority  of  the  people  could  not  possess 
landed  property,  and  where  the  circumstances  of  the 
country  prevented  the  accumulation  of  commercial 
wealth,  the  elements  of  comfort  and  greatness  were 
wanting.  There  could  have  been  no  money,  no  trade, 
no  manufactures,  and  there  could  have  been  no  towns 
whose  municipal  privileges  might  have  restrained  the 

*  In  the  grants  of  land  made  for  the  support  of  monasteries  by  tho 
Irish  monarchs,  the  betaghs  or  betages  are  expressly  named,  and  the 
property  in  them  transferred  together  with  the  land. 

t  The  nature  of  the  Irish  tenure  and  law  of  tanistry  is  very  clearly 
laid  down  in  an  inquisition  taken  at  Mallow,  on  the  25th  October,  1594, 
before  Sir  T.  Norris,  Vice-president  of  Munster,  W.  Saxey,  Esq.,  and  J. 
Gould,  Esq.,  justices  of  said  province,  by  virtue  of  a  commission  from 
the  lord  deputy  and  council,  dated  the  preceding  2f>th  of  June.  It  is 
found,  among  other  things,  "  That  Conogher  O'Callaghan,  alias  the 
O'Callaghan,  was  and  is  seized  of  several  large  territories  in  the  inquisi- 
tion recited  in  his  demesne,  as  lord  and  chieftain  of  Poble  Callaghan,  by 
the  Irish  custom,  time  out  of  mind  used  ;  that  as  O'Callaghan  aforesaid  is 
lord  of  the  said  country,  so  there  is  a  tanist,  by  custom  of  said  country, 
who  is  Teig  O'Callaghan,  and  the  said  Teie  is  seized  as  tanist,  by  the 
•aid  custom, of  several  plough-lands  in  the  inquisition  mentioned,  which 
also  finds  that  the  custom  is  further,  that  crvery  kinsman  of  the  O'Cal- 
laghan had  a  parcel  of  land  to  live  upon,  and  yet  that  no  estate  passed 
thereby;  but  that  the  lord  and  the  O'Callaghan  for  the  time  being,  by 
custom  time  out  of  mind,  may  remove  the  said  kinsmen  to  other  lands  ; 
and  the  inquisition  further  finds,  that  O'Callaghan  MacDermod,  Irrelagh 
O'Callaghan,  Teig  MacCahir  O'Callaghan,  Donogh  MacThomas  O'Cal- 
laghan, Conohor  ttenkagh  O'Callaghan.  Dermod  Bane  O'Callaghan,  and 
Shane  MacTeig  O'Callaghan,  were  seized  of  several  plough-lands,  ac- 
cording to  the  said  custom,  subject,  nevertheless,  to  certain  seigniorie* 
and  duties  payable  to  the  O'Callaghan,  and  that  they  were  renevablt 
by  him  to  other  lands  at  his  pleasure." 


8  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

despotic  power  of  the  toparchs.  The  cities  of  Dub. 
lin,  Limerick  and  Waterford,  found  in  the  country  by 
the  Normans  at  the  time  of  the  invasion,  if  not 
originally  built  by  the  Danes,  at  least  owed  all  their 
greatness  and  celebrity  to  that  maritime  people. 

But  though  this  state  of  society  appears  to  modern 
writers  replete  with  so  much  evil,  it  had  many  at- 
tractions for  a  people  such  as  the  Irish  were  at  that 
day,  and  such  as  they  continue  at  present.  With 
few  and  simple  wants,  reckless  of  danger,  ardent 
speculators,  full  of  buoyant  spirits,  eager  for  any  new 
enterprise,  however  culpable  or  dangerous,  their  best 
and  their  worst  qualities  were  equally  gratified  by  a 
system,  which  flattered  their  vanity  and  supplied 
objects  for  their  ambition.  Eligibility  to  the  office 
of  tanist  being  common  to  every  man  of  noble  birth, 
it  became  the  interest  of  the  nobility  to  conciliate 
the  affections  of  the  people ;  and  this  produced  a 
connexion,  not  the  less  intimate  because  the  hustings 
became  frequently  fields  of  battle.  The  law  of 
gavelkind  offered  to  every  individual  the  hope  of  that 
great  object  of  every  Irishman's  ambition,  a  bit  of 
land;  and  though  the  tenure  was  insecure  and  un- 
certain, Irishmen  then,  as  now,  literally  fulfilled  the 
precept  of  "  taking  no  thought  for  the  morrow." 

The  customs  of  fostering'  and  gossipred  drew  closer 
the  links  that  bound  the  lords  to  their  vassals.  The 
sons  of  the  nobility  were  invariably  nursed  by  the 
wives  of  the  tenantry,  and  the  associations  thus 
formed  were  esteemed  ties  fully  as  binding  as  those 
of  nature.  On  the  other  hand,  the  nobles  became 
name-fathers  to  the  children  of  their  favourites,  and 
were  thus  supposed  to  establish  a  claim  to  filial, 
rather  than  feudal  obedience.  It  is  amusing  to  find, 
that  these  innocent  and  interesting  customs  were 
denounced  as  high-treason,  by  the  statute  of  Kilkenny, 
in  the  reign  of  Edward  III.,  because  they  were 
deemed  the  greatest  support  of  the  overgrown  power 
of  the  Irish  aristocracy. 


HISTORY    OF   IRELAND.  29 

The  administration  of  justice  was  regulated  by  the 
Brehon  law,  which  is  said  to  have  been  formed  into 
a  code  at  a  very  early  period.  Its  most  remarkable 
feature  was  the  almost  total  absence  of  capital  pun- 
ishment ;  for  every  offence,  even  for  murder,  a  pe- 
cuniary mulct,  called  an  eric,  was  provided;  but  the 
friends  of  the  deceased  were  ramy  satisfied  with  such 
a  compensation,  and  deadly  feuds  were  consequently 
multiplied.*  The  office  of  brehon,  or  judge,  was 
hereditary  in  certain  families  ;  and,  by  a  custom 
which  seems  to  have  been  derived  immediately  from 
the  East,  all  honourable  professions  were  similarly 
limited. 

The  first  introduction  of  Christianity  into  Ireland 
is  a  subject  involved  in  impenetrable  obscurity.  The 
tradition  which  ascribes  the  conversion  of  the  island 
to  Saint  Patrick,  though  generally  received,  is  not 
worthy  of  implicit  credit ;  and  the  romantic  narra- 
tives of  the  saint's  adventures  are  a  mere  compila- 
tion of  extravagant  fictions.  It  would  be,  however, 
an  excess  of  skepticism,  to  follow  Dr.  Ledwich  ir 
denying  the  saint's  existence  altogether;  but  the 
precise  period  of  his  mission,  and  the  extent  of  his 
success,  must  remain  uncertain.  There  is,  however, 
satisfactory  evidence,  that  the  form  of  Christianity 
established  in  Ireland,  as  well  as  in  Britain,  resem- 

*  The  following  copy  of  a  brehon's  decree  will  probably  interest  the 
reader : — 

"  These  be  the  allegations  and  challenges  1  have  in  the  behalf  of  Do- 
nagh  MacSeayn  and  Teig  MacFynyne,  against  Cahall  O'Connor  and  his 
people,  viz.  That  Cahall  O'Connor,  together  with  Irs  |>eople,  came  for- 
cibly to  the  land  of  the  said  Uonagh,  and  seized  upm)  a  prey  belonging 
to  him,  and  have  taken  away  with  them  [  }  cowes  of  the  said  prey, 
and  have  also  taken  with  them  the  said  Donagh  ami  Teig  prisoners,  and 
the  rest  of  the  prey  being  taken  from  the  said  Cahall  against  his  will : 
but  having  beaten,  bruised,  and  deadly  wounded  the  said  Uonagh  and  Teig, 
therefore  I  say  that  they  carne  with  intent  to  kill  the  said  Donagh  anc 
Teig,  and  mat  they  shall  have  remedy  and  release  as  if  they  had  been 
killed,  in  regard  the  said  Donagh  and  Teig  never  submitted  themselves 
to  the  mercy  of  the  said  Cahall  and  his  people,  but  scoope  (escaped)  by 
their  own  valour  and  assistance,  as  by  the  law  in  that  behalf  appeareth, 
which  is  in  htec  verba."  (The  words  of  the  law  are  not  quoted.)—  Hard 
man's  Irish  Detds,  p.  26. 


80  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

bled  that  of  the  Eastern  churches,  rather  than  that 
which  Rome  had  adopted.  In  such  matters  of  dis- 
cipline— as  the  form  of  clerical  tonsure,  the  time  of 
celebrating  Easter,  and  the  celibacy  of  the  clergy— 
this  difference  between  the  Hibernian  and  Roman 
churches  might  seem  of  little  importance;  but  they 
were  at  issue  on  more  important  topics.  The  ec- 
clesiastical constitution  of  Ireland  was  completely 
at  variance  with  the  model  which  the  Roman  see 
was  anxious  to  establish ;  and  several  doctrines, 
condemned  in  the  papal  councils,  were  vigorously 
maintained  by  the  Irish  clergy. 

The  bishops,  in  the  primitive  church  of  Ireland, 
were  as  numerous  as  the  parishes.  They  paid  no 
canonical  obedience  to  a  foreign  head ;  they  be- 
queathed frequently  their  pastoral  charge  to  their 
children ;  and  generally  held  their  sees  at  the  plea- 
sure of  their  chieftain.  They  also  possessed  not 
any  of  the  lordly  privileges  which  the  Continental 
prelates  enjoyed.  It  was  not  until  the  eighth  cen- 
tury that  they  were  exempted  from  military  service; 
and  they  always  remained  subject  to  taxation,  and 
to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  ordinary  tribunals. 

The  Irish  church  also  provoked  the  hostility  of 
the  pontiffs  by  its  adherence  to  the  doctrines  of  Pe- 
lagius,  and  the  share  it  took  in  the  controversy  of 
"the  three  chapters."  Jerome,  whose  right  to  the 
title  of  saint  assuredly  rests  not  on  his  moderation, 
assails  the  entire  Irish  nation  for  its  supposed  heresy, 
with  a  virulence  surpassing  the  ordinary  bounds  of 
theological  controversy.  He  even  asserts  that  the 
Irish  were  cannibals,  and  that  he  had  himself  seen  a 
party  of  them  eat  a  child  in  Gaul ;  forgetting,  as  the 
Jesuit  Stani  lirst  wisely  remarks,  to  account  for  the 
permission  they  obtained  to  commit  such  a  crime  in 
the  country  which  was  then  the  chief  seat  of  ortho- 
doxy. The  controversy  of  "  the  three  chapters," 
which  once  agitated  the  entire  of  Christendom,  in 
now  consigned  to  oblivion.  It  seems,  that  the 


HISTORY   OF   IRELAND.  31 

Council  of  Chalcedon  had  tacitly  approved  the  writ- 
ings of  three  Eastern  prelates,  which  were  supposed 
to  favour  the  Nestorian  heresy.  The  Roman  synod 
took  a  different  view  of  the  matter,  and  condemned 
the  chapters  in  no  very  measured  terms.  The  Irish 
unanimously  supported  the  authority  of  the  council ; 
and,  as  we  are  informed  by  Baronius,  attributed  the 
calamities  by  which  Italy  happened  to  be  afflicted 
to  the  fatal  heresy  of  the  papacy. 

The  Irish  clergy,  though  deficient  in  orthodoxy, 
were  honourably  conspicuous  for  their  learning,  zeal, 
and  piety.  Their  missionaries  travelled  into  the 
neighbouring  heathen  countries,  not  like  the  papal 
legates,  with  all  the  pride,  pomp,  and  circumstance 
of  imperial  ambassadors;  but  like  their  predecessors 
the  apostles,  in  the  garb  of  unaffected  poverty,  with 
the  words  of  persuasion  on  their  lips,  and  the  gospel 
of  everlasting  peace  in  their  hands.  The  pious  la- 
bours of  Columb-kill  and  Columbanus,  if  they  were 
really  different  persons,  are  to  this  hour  justly  the 
boast  of  the  Irish  nation ;  though,  unfortunately, 
the  ecclesiastical  system  which  produced  numbers 
of  men  animated  with  similar  zeal  has  long-  since 
perished. 

The  invasions  of  the  Franks,  the  Saxons,  and 
other  barbarians,  seconded  by  the  dark  intrigues  of 
the  Romish  see  and  its  partisans  among  the  clergy, 
destroyed  the  primitive  churches  which  had  been 
established  in  Gaul  and  Britain.  The  persecuted 
clergy  and  those  of  their  flocks  who  were  anxious  to 
maintain  the  independence  of  their  national  churches, 
either  fled,  or  were  forced  into  a  reluctant  submission. 
The  Irish  generously  offered  to  the  fugitives  a  safe 
asylum ;  thither  came  all  those  whom  barbarous 
violence  and  Roman  ambition  had  driven  from  theii 
homes.  The  unfortunate  Britons,  in  particular, 
threatened  with  extirpation  by  the  Saxons,  fled  to 
the  sister-island,  and  spread  such  a  horror  of  the 
violence  they  had  suffered,  that  the  Irish  to  this  day 


32  HISTORY    OF   IRELAND. 

call  their  invaders  by  the  odious  name  of  Saxons 
During  the  sixth,  seventh,  and  eighth  centuries,  Ire- 
land was  proverbially  the  chief  seat  of  piety  and 
learning.  True,  the  learning  of  the  period  was  con- 
fined to  a  very  limited  range  of  subjects,  and,  even 
such  as  it  was,  monopolized  by  the  clergy;  still,  the 
respect  shown  to  information,  and  the  ardour  exhib- 
ited for  literary  distinction,  produced  beneficial  ef- 
fects, which  extended  far  beyond  the  circle  of  those 
who  enjoyed  the  immediate  fruits. 

The  invasion  of  the  Danes  in  the  ninth  century 
reduced  Ireland  to  the  same  miserable  condition  as 
those  countries  for  whose  calamities  she  had  shown 
such  generous   sympathy.      Though   these   piratic 
hordes  were  not  numerous,  they  obtained  extraor- 
dinary success  in  a  country  distracted  by  internal 
commotions,  where  each  sept  rejoiced  in  the  depres 
sion  of  its  rival,  and  where  the  feelings  of  nationality 
were  lost  in  the  virulence  of  party-spirit.     As  the 
Danes  came  into  Ireland  from  the  east,  they  called 
themselves  Eastmen,  or  Ostmen,  just  as  in  France 
they  took   the   name  of  Northmen,  or  Normans, 
They  first  confined  themselves  to  mere  predatory 
expeditions;  soon  after  they  erected  castles,  or  seized 
on  towns  near  the  shore,  to  shelter  their  booty;  until 
at  length,  encouraged  by  their  own  success,  and  the 
dissensions  of  the  natives,  they  resolved  to  attempt 
the  conquest  of  the  entire  island.     Early  in  the  ninth 
century,  this  was  effected  by  Turgesius,  a  monarch 
distinguished  by  great  abilities  and  greater  depravit-r 
After  a  brief  reign  of  cruelty  and  lust,  Turgesius  wap 
murdered  by  the  contrivance  of  a  petty  prince  whose 
daughter  he  designed  to  seduce ;  and  in  the  genera 
revolt  which  ensued,  the  power  of  the  Ostmen  was 
completely  overthrown.    But  the  private  feuds  of  the 
Irish  princes  rescued  the  Ostmen  from  total  destruc. 
tion  ;  and,  retaining  possession  of  the  seaports,  they 
soon  became  formidable,  though  they  never  regained 
their  former  supremacy  of  the  country. 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  3 

In  the  beginning  of  the  eleventh  century,  a  ma- 
jority of  the  Irish  determined  to  make  a  great 
national  effort  against  the  invaders :  the  nominal 
lord-paramount  of  the  island,  Malachi  King  of  Meath, 
was  deposed,  and  the  sovereignty  transferred  to  the 
celebrated  Brian  Boiromhe,  whose  administration  of 
his  provincial  kingdom  had  raised  it  to  the  highest 
rank  among  the  surrounding  states.  During  a  reign 
of  ten  years,  Brian  ruled  the  country  in  tranquillity ; 
the  Danish  settlers  purchased  safety  by  becoming 
tributary,  and  the  feuds  of  the  Irish  princes  were 
checked  by  the  vigour  and  prudence  of  the  monarch. 
But  the  spirit  of  faction,  though  quelled,  was  not  ex- 
tinguished ;  the  partisans  of  the  deposed  monarch 
secretly  meditated  a  new  revolution  ;  and  their  pra 
jects  were  favoured  by  many  who  viewed  with  jea 
lousy  the  elevation  of  a  rival  tribe.  A  trivial  circum- 
stance kindled  these  materials  of  discord  into  a 
flame.  Murchard,  the  eldest  son  of  Brian,  incau- 
tiously reproached  Maolmordha,  King  of  Leinster,  for 
nis  former  treacherous  connexion  with  the  Danes, 
and  so  irritated  the  vindictive  passions  of  the  haughty 
prince,  that  he  determined  to  purchase  revenge,  even 
at  the  price  of  his  country's  ruin.  An  alliance  was 
soon  formed  between  the  King  of  Leinster  and  the 
Danish  colony  of  Dublin.  Auxiliaries  were  sum- 
moned from  Norway,  and  the  northern  islands ; 
emissaries  were  sent  to  stimulate  the  discontented 
princes  into  rebellion  ;  and  Brian,  now  in  the  extrem- 
ity of  old  age,  found  himself  involved  in  a  contest 
more  fearful  than  any  he  had  hitherto  experienced. 
The  monarch,  however,  proved  himself  equal  to  the 
emergency ;  he  summoned  to  his  standard  all  the 
princes  who  owed  him  obedience,  and  collected 
together  his  hereditary  forces,  on  whom  alone  he  saw 
that  implicit  reliance  could  be  placed.  The  battle, 
which  for  the  time  decided  the  fate  of  Ireland,  was 
fought  on  the  plains  of  Clontarf,  now  a  pretty  village 
near  Dublin.  The  engagement  commenced  on  the 

I.— C 


S4  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

morning  of  Good  Friday,  A.  D.  1014,  a  circumstance 
which  added  religious  enthusiasm  to  the  patriotic 
zeal  of  the  Irish,  for  the  Danes  had  not  heen  as  yet 
converted  to  Christianity.  At  the  very  moment  that 
battle  was  joined,  Malachi  King  of  Meath  withdrew  his 
forces,  leaving  Brian  with  only  his  own  provincial 
army  to  withstand  the  overwhelming  numbers  of  the 
enemy.  The  soldiers  of  Minister  were  not,  however, 
disconcerted;  they  had  with  them  in  the  field  every 
member  of  the  royal  house,  to  which  they  were  pas- 
sionately attached  ;  for  the  king  brought  with  him  to 
the  battle  his  five  sons,  his  grandson,  and  his  fifteen 
nephews.  The  conflict  lasted  the  entire  day;  but  at 
length  the  valour  of  the  Irish  prevailed.  The  traitor 
Maolmordha,  with  his  chief  associates,  were  slam. 
His  followers  immediately  broke  their  lines  and  fled ; 
and  the  Danes  were  driven,  with  dreadful  slaughter, 
to  their  ships  and  the  gates  of  Dublin.  But  this  suc- 
cess was  dearly  purchased.  Brian  was  slain,  while 
praying  in  his  tent,  by  a  wandering  party  of  the 
enemy  ;  his  son  Murchard,  with  the  best  and  bravest 
of  the  Irish  nobility,  fell  in  the  arms  of  victory  ;  and 
the  gallant  sept  of  the  Dalgais,  Brian's  own  tribe, 
was  almost  annihilated.  With  Brian  perished  the 
glory,  the  tranquillity,  and  the  prosperity  of  his 
country.  Ireland  no  longer  existed  as  a  nation,  but 
was  broken  up  into  a  number  of  independent  sove- 
reignties, animated  by  the  most  rancorous  mutual 
hostility.  "  There  was  no  longer  a  king  in  the  land. 
Every  man  did  that  which  was  right  in  his  own  eyes." 
From  this  period  to  the  Anglo-Norman  invasion,  the 
annals  of  Ireland  record  little  more  than  a  series  of 
intestine  wars  begun  for  some  petty  object,  and  con- 
cluded without  any  remarkable  consequence.  A  new 
invasion  of  the  Danes,  under  the  guidance  of  Magnus 
King  of  the  Isle  of  Man,  is  indeed  stated  to  have 
been  repelled;  but  how  deplorable  must  the  condition 
of  the  country  have  been,  when  the  King  of  Map 
would  venture  to  invade  it  with  the  hopes  of  COB 


HISTORY   OF   IRELAND.  35 

quest  t  The  evils  produced  by  this  long  unvarying 
scene  of  civil  discord,  predisposed  the  Irish  princes 
to  submit  to  the  power  of  the  Norman  prince.  They 
felt  the  necessity  of  possessing1  a  sovereign  ruler ; 
and  they  knew,  by  bitter  experience,  that  mutual 
jealousy  and  ancient  rivalry  would  render  the  gov- 
ernment of  any  native  prince  equally  insecure  and 
inefficient. 


CHAPTER  II. 

The  Causes  and  Occasion  of  the  Anglo-Norman  Invasion. 

THE  establishment  of  the  Anglo-Norman  dynasty 
in  Ireland  was  but  a  part  of  that  great  system  by 
which  the  papal  supremacy  was  enabled  to  prevail 
over  the  national  churches  of  Western  Europe. 
Henry  came  to  Ireland  as  the  deputy  of  the  pope. 
To  establish  his  spiritual  authority  was  the  avowed 
object  of  the  expedition;  and  on  the  papal  gift  alone 
did  the  Norman  monarch  rest  his  claim  to  the  sove- 
reignty of  the  country.  By  a  very  rare  coincidence, 
the  zealous  Protestant  and  Catholic  writers  of  Irish 
history  have  agreed  in  suppressing  this  important  fact. 
The  former  were  unwilling  to  acknowledge  that  their 
ascendency,  which  they  justly  identified  with  Eng- 
lish connexion,  was  derived  from  the  great  object 
of  their  fear  and  hatred  ;  the  latter,  equally  attached 
to  their  country  and  their  religion,  were  disinclined 
to  confess  that  their  spiritual  head  had  destroyed 
their  national  church,  and  given  the  dominion  over 
their  native  land  to  a  stranger,  in  order  to  extend 
his  own  power.  The  contest  between  patriotic 
spirit  and  habitual  submission  to  the  Roman  pontiff 
is  evident  in  some  of  the  writings  of  the  oarliet 


36  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

Irish  historians :  they  zealously  contend  for  the  piety 
and  purity  of  their  national  church  ;  but,  when  they 
labour  to  identify  its  doctrines  with  Romanism,  they 
are  sorely  at  a  loss  to  account  for  the  harsh  epithets 
given  to  the  Irish  clerical  establishment  by  the  popes 
and  their  authorized  advocates. 

The  power  of  the  Roman  see  had  acquired  addi 
tional  strength  by  every  revolution  caused  by  tli 
successive  immigrations  of  the  northern  barbarians 
The  pontiffs  deemed  the  ignorant  pagans  more  hopeful 
subjects  for  the  bold  experiment  of  establishing  their 
supremacy  than  the  Christians  of  Gaul,  Britain,  and 
Erin,  who  were  zealously  attached  to  the  independ- 
ence of  their  national  churches.  They  therefore 
uniformly  supported  the  cause  of  the  invaders,  con- 
ciliated their  leaders  by  giving  them  extravagant 
titles,  and  presenting  them  with  rich  dresses,  whose 
unusual  splendour  attracted  their  admiration,  and 
gratified  their  vanity.  The  Franks  were  encouraged 
in  their  warfare  against  the  Gauls,  the  Goths,  and 
the  Burgundians ;  because,  after  the  conversion  of 
Clovis,  they  readily  adopted  whatever  creed  his  ho- 
liness thought  fit  to  dictate  ;  and  the  former  possess- 
ors of  the  country  were  sentenced  to  utter  ruin,  be- 
cause they  were  heretics,  or  at  least  schismatics. 
The  Goths  were  accused  of  Arianism ;  the  Britons 
were  said  to  nave  adopted  the  errors  of  Pelagius  ;  and 
paganism  itself  was  declared  preferable  to  such 
abominable  heresies.  Many  of  the  bishops  in  the 
devoted  nations  aided  the  machinations  of  the  Ro- 
man pontiffs  ;  they  were  eager  to  become  spiritual 
princes,  and  to  share  in  those  privileges  and  immu- 
nities which  Rome  claimed  for  the  Episcopal  char- 
acter. Foreign  violence  was  thus  aided  by  domestic 
treason  ;  and  the  papal  authority  was  established  in 
France  and  England  by  the  swords  of  the  Franks 
and  the  battle-axes  of  the  Saxons.  But  no  opportu- 
nity of  reducing  Ireland  to  obedience  was  afforded. 
The  successors  of  Augustine  in  the  see  of  Canterbury 


HISTORV    OF    IRELAND.  37 

rainly  sent  embassies  to  the  island ;  their  authority 
was  spumed,  their  threats  derided,  and  they  were 
left  to  vent  their  indignation  in  slander  and  reproach. 
Bede  has  preserved  a  curious  specimen  of  the  re- 
monstrances addressed  to  the  schismatic  Irish  by 
the  papal  legates ;  it  is  full  of  pride  and  bitterness, 
as  may  be  seen  in  the  following  extract : — "  We,  depu- 
ties from  the  apostolic  see  to  the  Western  regions, 
once  foolishly  believed  in  your  island's  reputation  for 
sanctity  ;  but  we  now  know,  and  can  no  longer  doubt, 
that  you  are  no  better  than  the  Britons.  Of  this  the 
journey  of  Columbanus  into  Gaul,  and  that  of  one 
Dagammon  into  Britain,  have  fully  convinced  us  : 
for,  among  other  things  this  Dagammon,  passing 
through  the  places  where  we  dwelt,  has  refused  not 
only  to  come  and  eat  at  our  tables,  but  even  to  take 
his  meals  in  the  same  house  with  us." 

The  crimes  of  Columbanus  have  been  mentioned 
in  the  preceding  chapter;  they  were  simply  ardent 
zeal,  sincere  piety,  and  unpretending  poverty.  He 
founded  no  bishopricks,  he  courted  no  kings,  he 
preached  only  to  the  poor  and  to  the  afflicted.  Leav- 
ing courts  and  camps  to  the  papal  legates,  he  spent 
his  life  in  preaching  the  gospel  to  the  wood-cutters 
and  hunters  in  the  mountains  of  the  Vosges.  The 
discourteous  conduct  of  Dagammon  was  not  wholly 
without  excuse.  The  massacre  of  the  British  monks 
at  Bangor  by  a  body  of  pagan  Saxons  more  than 
suspected  of  having  been  employed  by  the  Italian 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and  the  bitter  persecution 
of  the  native  clergy  of  Wales,  disgusted  a  man  who 
believed  in  his  simplicity  that  Christianity  was,  as  it 
ought  to  be,  a  system  of  peace  and  love,  and  who 
was,  besides,  allied  in  faith  to  the  sufferers. 

The  invasion  of  the  Danes  was  fatal  to  the  national 
church  of  Ireland.  The  seats  of  learning,  which 
had  been  ever  spared  in  the  disastrous  feuds  between 
rival  princes,  were  but  the  more  tempting  objects  to 
these  avaricious  savages.  The  seminaries  were  db- 


38  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

stroyed,  the  students  scattered,  and  the  means  of  sup* 
port  taken  away  from  those  who  laboured,  to  in- 
struct  a  new  race  of  pastors.  Hence  innumerable 
•abuses  arose  ;  the  toparchs  appointed  to  the  sees  per- 
sons wholly  inadequate  to  perform  the  duties  ;  mon- 
asteries were  seized  by  ambitious  laymen  ;  and  reli- 
gious ordinances  were  either  entirely  neglected,  or 
performed  with  a  negligence  which  degraded  them 
into  an  unmeaning  ritual.  The  power  possessed  by 
the  Anglo-Saxon  clergy,  contrasted  with  their  own 
weakness,  naturally  excited  the  emulation  of  the  Irish 
bishops.  They  began  to  wish  for  the  lofty  titles  and 
the  substantial  privileges  enjoyed  by  the  prelates  of 
the  neighbouring  island ;  and  as  they  clearly  saw  that 
this  object  could  not  be  attained  without  the  assist- 
ance of  the  Roman  see,  they  determined  to  make 
the  acknowledgment  of  the  papal  authority  the 
basis  of  their  own  aggrandizement.  It  may  be  that 
some  were  actuated  by  better  motives.  There  may 
have  been  a  few  who  thought  that  external  aid  was 
necessary  to  reform  the  abuses  which  had  been  pro- 
duced by  centuries  of  commotion,  and  who  looked 
to  Rome,  indisputably  the  head  of  the  Western 
churches,  as  the  only  source  from  whence  the  means 
of  an  efficient  reformation  could  be  derived.  The 
holy  see  was  not  slow  in  availing  itself  of  these 
favourable  dispositions,  especially  as  by  its  aid  a 
new  dynasty  had  been  just  established  in  England, 
more  devotedly  attached  to  the  papal  cause  than 
that  of  the  Saxons,  because  the  benefits  received  by 
the  Normans  were  more  important  and  more  recent. 
The  conquest  of  England  by  the  Duke  of  Nor- 
mandy was  hailed  by  the  descendants  of  the  Danes 
in  Ireland  as  a  triumph  that  prognosticated  the  revi- 
val of  their  own  power  and  eminence.  They  relin- 
quished the  name  of  Ostmen  for  the  more  important 
title  of  Normans,  and  sent  ambassadors  to  congratu- 
late William  on  his  success.  They  also  broke  off 
their  connexion  with  the  Irish  church,  asserting 


HISTORY    OF   IRELAND.  39 

infracted  ' 


bishop-elect  of  Dubhn  to       they  sent  over  the» 


ecclesiastical  jction  of  ,Tg-8Umitted  tO  the 
who  f°r 


pretend,  the  first  precher  of  tS  ^/^  &S  SOme 
had  made  the  audioSv  S  ?hV  g°SpeI  m  Ireland 
system.  Gillebert  vval  c  ^  P^°pe  a  part  of  their 
celebrated  M  ahchv  who^'  ??¥  ^  leffate  b^  the 


the  vear  1  1^0  Malach>  to  remain  unimproved.     In 
which  CaSl  pSyn°d  TAS  C01ivened  at  Kells,  over 

Th  re  '  *  ^  aP 


Th  reor      e  '  ' 

the  Irish  prelate,     nr    f'  palls;vere  distributed  to 

acknowleSed  ThP  nth6  PRpal  authority  form;illy 
same  timedearly  sho  ^f,011^1"1611^  made  at  the 
cler  were  n^ilrl  t  6  motlves  by  which  the 

^dependence: 


40  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

taxation  and  civil  jurisdiction  were  granted  at  this 
synod ;  and  thus,  the  last  of  the  Western  national 
churches  was  united  finally  to  the  Roman  see. 

The  new  ecclesiastical  establishment  was  not, 
however,  received  universally.  Many  of  the  inferior 
clergy*  animated  by  different  motives,  vigorously 
contended  for  their  ancient  usages ;  and  the  toparchs 
were  opposed  to  a  system  by  which  their  power  was 
limited  and  controlled.  Complaints  were  made  in 
Rome  that  the  Irish  clergy  still  continued  to  marry, 
that  tithes  were  paid  irregularly,  and  that  the  native 
princes  usurped  the  nomination  to  ecclesiastical  dig- 
nities. The  pope  saw  that  some  ally  was  necessary 
to  confirm  the  supremacy  which  he  had  already 
trained;  and  the  abilities  and  ambition  of  Henry  II. 
pointed  him  out  as  the  most  eligible  auxiliary.  Tn 
the  year  1155,  the  negotiations  between  Henry  II. 
and  Pope  Adrian  were  concluded.  The  holy  father 
entered  into  a  compact  with  the  enterprising  young 
monarch,  by  which  it  was  stipulated  that  the  lord- 
ship of  Ireland  should  be  transferred  to  Henry,  pro- 
vided that  he  would  maintain  the  papal  supremacy 
and  the  ecclesiastical  constitutions  which  had  been 
established  by  the  synod  of  Kells.  This  negotia- 
tion, which  was  the  foundation  of  the  connexion 
between  England  and  Ireland,  is  a  precious  sample 
of  the  hypocrisy,  the  injustice,  and  the  mutual  trea- 
chery of  both  parties.  Henry,  by  no  means  a  de- 
voted slave  to  ecclesiastical  power,  suddenly  found 
his  Christian  feelings  wounded  by  the  schismatic 
state  of  the  Irish  church;  he  therefore  proposes  to 
invade  the  island  with  a  missionary  army,  not  to  ex- 
tend his  own  dominions,  but  to  diffuse  the  blessings 
of  pure  religion  in  that  benighted  country.  Adrian, 
on  the  other  hand,  without  even  affecting  to  consult 
the  wishes  of  the  inhabitants,  transfers  to  the  Nor- 
man prince  the  sovereignty  of  an  independent  coun- 
try, with  as  little  scruple  as  if  it  had  been  an  estate, 
of  which  he  held  the  title-deeds.  The  Genuineness 
of  Adrian'  bull  has  indeed  been  sometime*  di 


HISTORY    OF   IRELAND.  41 

puted ;  but  this  is  a  matter  of  little  importance.  The 
fact,  that  Ireland  was  literally  sold  to  the  Norman 
invaders  by  the  pope  is  indisputable,  and  is  proved 
by  a  host  of  documents,  which  never  have  been 
questioned.  The  bull  of  Pope  Alexander  read  at 
the  council  of  Cashel,  which,  by-the-way,  refers  to 
Adrian's  bull  as  an  authentic  document,  is  to  the  full 
as  explicit  a  declaration  of  the  terms  of  the  bargain 
as  that  whose  credit  has  been  impugned.  The°d(!- 
claration  of  the  Irish  clergy  in  their  synod  at  Cashel, 
that  they  recognised  Henry's  authority,  because  it 
was  founded  on  the  infallible  decree  of  Christ's  vi- 
car, and  the  unanimous  consent  of  all  contemporary 
historians,  native,  English,  and  Continental,  that 
Henry  undertook  the  conquest  of  Ireland,  by  com- 
mand of  the  visible  head  of  the  church,  in  order  to 
extirpate  the  religious  abuses  which  prevailed  in  that 
country,  are  sufficient  to  prove  the  true  cause  and 
nature  of  the  invasion,  if  Adrian's  bull  had  never 
existed.  During  four  centuries,  the  English  mon- 
archs  and  the  parliament  of  the  pale,  unable  to 
maintain  their  supremacy  by  the  sword,  constantly 
appealed  to  these  papal  grants  as  the  sacred  source 
of  their  power;  and,  during  the  same  period,  every 
effort  to  restore  the  independence  of  Ireland  was 
placed  under  ban  and  excommunication,  as  being  a 
rebellion  against  the  deputy  of  the  sacred  successors 
to  the  patrimony  of  Saint  Peter.  After  the  Reform- 
ation, when  the  Catholics  of  Ireland  divided  into 
two  parties,  which  may  be  called  those  of  the  Low 
and  High  church,  the  latter,  so  far  from  denying  the 
fact  of  Ireland  having  been  ceded  to  England  by 
papal  authority,  laboured  strenuously  to  maintain 
the  right  of  the  pope  to  make  such  a  grant,  and  to 
resume  it  when  the  conditions  had  been  violated. 
The  origin  of  the  right  of  the  holy  see  to  Ireland 
was  variously  stated  by  different  writers.  One  found 
out  that  all  islands  were  included  in  the  magnificent 
donation  bestowed  on  the  successors  of  Saint  Peter 


42  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

by  the  Emperor  Constantino  ;  another  discovered  in 
the  prophecies  of  Isaiah  a  divine  right  to  islands ; 
a  third  asserted  that  some  of  the  Irish  kings  dur- 
ing a  pilgrimage  to  Rome  had  resigned  the  supre- 
macy of  their  dominions  to  the  sovereign  pontiff; 
while  a  whole  host  contended  that  the  Irish,  in  the 
time  of  Saint  Patrick,  had,  in  a  sudden  burst  of  na- 
tional gratitude,  placed  themselves  and  their  country 
at  the  disposal  of  their  spiritual  father.  These  idle 
legends  are  now  only  calculated  to  produce  a  smile  ; 
but  there  was  a  time  when  they  were  potent  causes 
of  evil;  and  many  and  bitter  were  the  calamities 
which  such  wicked  absurdities  inflicted  on  the  un- 
fortunate island. 

Continental  wars,  and  the  rebellion  of  his  unnatu- 
ral sons,  long  prevented  Henry  from  availing  himself 
of  the  papal  grant;  but,  in  the  mean  time,  he  en 
tered  into  negotiations  with  some  of  the  Irish  pre- 
lates, who  were  anxious  to  purchase  the  pomp,  power, 
and  privilege  possessed  by  the  English  and  Conti- 
nental bishops,  even  at  the  price  of  their  country's 
independence.  What  might  have  been  the  result  of 
unaided  negotiations  is  mere  matter  of  conjecture. 
An  accidental  circumstance  hurried  them  to  a  rapid 
conclusion,  and  brought  the  Normans  into  Ireland, 
before  Henry  and  his  partisans  could  make  any  pre- 
vious preparations  for  the  unexpected  event. 


CHAPTER  III. 

Strongbow's  Invasion 


IF  the  worst  evils  of  civil  commotion  could  form 
an  excuse  for  transferring  the  sovereignty  of  a  coun- 
try to  a  foreign  potentate,  tlie  pope  and  the  clergy 
might  have  found  a  powerful  apology  in  the  state  o/ 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  43 

Ireland  during  the  century  that  preceded  the  English 
invasion.  The  fatal  victory  at  Clontaif  so  weakened 
the  power  of  the  Munster  princes,  that  the  O'Briens 
were  unable  to  retain  their  pre-eminence,  and  the 
king's  of  the  north  and  west  became  the  principal 
candidates  for  the  supreme  power.  Turlogh  O'Con- 
nor, King  of  Connaug-ht,  nominally  obtained  this 
dignity  ;  but  he  was  fiercely  opposed  by  O'Lachlan, 
chief  of  the  northern  sept  of  Hy-Nial,  aided  by 
many  other  princes  of  Ulster  and  Leinster.  After 
a  long  and  desultory  warfare,  the  rivals  agreed  to 
divide  the  sovereignty  between  them;  but,  like  all 
similar  expedients,  the  pence  obtained  by  this  ar- 
rangement was  partial  and  temporary,  and  war  was 
soon  renewed  between  the  partisans  of  the  competi- 
tors. O'Rourke,  Prince  of  Breffiny  (the  present 
county  of  Leitrim),  was  a  warm  supporter  of  the 
O'Connors ;  while  his  neighbour,  Dermod  Mac- 
Murchad,  King  of  Leinster,  was  as  vigorous  a  sup- 
porter of  the  Hy-Nial  dynasty.  Their  political  dif- 
ferences were  further  heightened  by  personal  causes. 
O'Rourke,  far  advanced  in  years,  had  married  Der- 
vorghal,  a  princess  of  Meath,  that  might  have  been 
his  daughter,  and  had  soon  cause  to  suspect  that 
her  affections  were  fixed  on  the  youthful  Dermod, 
the  fame  of  whose  beauty  and  courtesy  was  spread 
through  all  the  surrounding  septs.  The  war  be- 
tween the  partisans  of  O'Connor  and  O'Lachlan 
was  renewed ;  Dermod  invaded  the  territories  of 
O'Rourke,  and  carried  away  Dervorghal  a  willing1 
captive  into  Leinster.  The  injured  prince  com- 
plained to  O'Connor  of  the  gross  wrongs  he  had 
received ;  and  the  King  of  Connaught  at  once  levied 
an  army  to  support  his  ally.  Dermod's  territories 
were  invaded  before  O'Lachlan  could  come  to  his 
assistance ;  but  he  purchased  peace,  by  restoring 
the  lady  to  her  husband,  and  making  compensation 
for  the  ravages  his  soldiers  had  committed  in  Bref- 
finy (A.  D.  1 154}  This  event,  which  mos*.  historians 


44  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

assign  as  the  immediate  cause  of  the  Anglo- Norman 
invasion,  really  occurred  sixteen  years  be  fore  Dermod 
was  driven  into  exile,  and  consequently  before  he 
h-ul  any  necessity  to  ask  for  foreign  assistance. 
On  the  death  of  Turlogh  O'Connor,  the  undisputed 
sovereignty  of  Ireland  was  given  to  O'Lachlan  ;  and 
l lie  partisans  of  the  Hy-Nials  immediately  prepared 
to  extend  their  dominions,  and  punish  their  rivals 
(A.  D.  1156).  The  fidelity  of  Dermod  was  richly 
rewarded ;  he  was  enabled  to  extend  his  sway  over 
many  of  the  neighbouring  septs,  and  soon  reckoned 
among  his  vassals  the  Kings  of  Ossory  and  Meath, 
the  Danish  Lord  of  Dublin,  and  the  toparchs  who 
ruled  in  the  districts  which  now  form  the  counties  of 
Wicklow,  Carlow,  and  Wexford.  The  Prince  of 
Breffiny  had  reason  to  dread  the  use  which  his  rival 
might  make  of  his  newly-acquired  power;  but  while 
Dermod  was  preparing  utterly  to  destroy  the  power 
of  O'Rourke,  an  unexpected  event  produced  a  com- 
plete revolution  in  Irish  politics.  O'Lachlan,  after 
concluding  a  solemn  treaty  with  Dunleve,  Prince  of 
Ulad  (the  present  county  of  Down),  treacherously 
made  him  captive,  and  tore  out  his  eyes  in  prison. 
This  abominable  perfidy  roused  the  northern  chief- 
tains into  insurrection;  a  rapid  and  general  revolt 
took  place;  and  at  the  battle  of  Litterluin  O'Lachlan 
f;'ll,  and  the  power  of  his  family  was  annihilated 
(A,.  D.  1167).  Roderick  O'Connor,  the  son  of  Tur- 
logh,  ascended  the  vacant  throne,  apparently  without 
waiting  for  the  forms  of  an  election,  and  immediately 
prepared  to  avenge  the  wrongs  which  had  been  in- 
flictpd  on  the  partisans  of  his  family.  The  Prince  of 
Hrrffmy  was  a  willing  assistant  to  the  new  monarch 
and  the  feudatories  of  Dermod,  anxious  to  regain 
their  independence,  readily  promised  to  favour  his 
designs.  On  the  advance  of  O'Connor  into  Leinster, 
Dermod  found  himself  deserted  by  ail  his  vassals; 
and,  unable  to  make  any  effective  resistance,  he  set 
fire  to  Ferns,  his  capital  city,  and  fled  with  a  smaL 


HISTORY   OF   IRELAND.  45 

krain  to  solicit  the  aid  of  foreigners.  This  is  the 
account  given  by  the  native  Irish  historians,  and  it 
bears  all  the  internal  marks  of  truth.  The  assertion 
that  Dermod  was  driven  out  as  the  ravisher  of  Der 
vorghal,  rather  than  the  partisan  of  O'Lachlan,  rests 
solely  on  the  authority  of  Giraldus  Carabrensis,  who, 
coming  into  the  country  as  a  stranger  long  after  the 
transaction,  might  easily  have  mistaken  a  prominent 
though  incidental  circumstance  for  the  principal 
cause  of  the  war,  especially  as  it  was  the  occasion 
of  the  first  act  of  hostility  on  the  part  of  Turlogh 
O'Connor. 

Henry's  claim  to  the  lordship  of  Ireland  was  prob- 
ably the  motive  that  induced  Dermod  to  invoke  the 
assistance  of  that  monarch,  since  no  other  plausible 
reason  can  be  assigned  for  his  not  rather  seeking  the 
aid  of  the  Munster  princes,  who  were  the  hereditary 
rivals  of  the  O'Connors,  or  claiming  aid  from  the 
Kings  of  France  or  Scotland,  both  more  intimately 
connected  with  Ireland  at  the  period  (A.  D.  1168). 
When  the  exiled  prince  arrived  in  Bristol,  he  found 
that  Henry  was  absent  in  Guienne;  and  thither  he 
immediately  proceeded,  accompanied  by  his  secre- 
tary, Maurice  Regan.  Having  stated  his  wrongs 
to  Henry,  he  made  him  a  tender  of  his  allegiance; 
and  having  performed  liege  homage,  received  from 
the  Norman  king  letters-patent,  authorizing  any  of 
his  English  subjects  that  pleased  to  aid  in  the  res- 
toration of  the  dethroned  monarch.  Henry  also 
recommended  Dermod  to  remain  in  Bristol,  until  he 
could  himself  come  personally  to  his  assistance. 
The  quarrel  with  Thomas-a-Becket,  and  the  hostility 
of  the  French  king1,  however,  delayed  the  English 
monarch  so  long,  that  Dermod  was  almost  reduced 
to  despair.  In  this  extremity,  he  resolved  to  avail 
himself  of  the  king's  letter,  and  solicit  the  assist- 
ance of  those  Norman  adventurers  who  had  settled 
in  Wales. 

In  the  beginning  of  this  century,  several  of  th« 


48  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

Norman  soldiers,  who  had  not  received  any  share  m 
the  Saxon  estates,  or  who  had  wasted  in  dissipation 
the  lands  acquired  by  the  conquest,  obtained  from 
the  Anglo-Norman  kings  letters  of  license  to  conquer 
for  themselves  dominions  in  Wales.  The  southern 
part  of  the  country  was  the  principal  scene  of  these 
invasions,  which  were  for  the  most  part  successful; 
and  the  county  of  Pembroke,  having  been  subdued 
by  a  mixed  body  of  Normans,  Flemings,  and  Eng- 
lish, was  so  completely  dissevered  from  the  princi- 
pality, that  it  was  usually  called  Little  England  he- 
yond  Wales.  Gilbert  Karl  of  Pembroke,  the  chief 
of  this  little  territory,  had  a  son,  Richard  Earl  of 
Strijfiil  (now  Chepstow),  surnamed  Strongbow,  from 
his  feats  of  archery.  Strongbow  was  celebrated  for 
his  valour  and  military  skill;  but  his  dissipated 
habits  had  ruined  his  fortunes ;  and  his  notorious 
ambition  deprived  him  of  royal  favour.  To  this 
nobleman  Dermod  made  application  for  assistance, 
promising  him,  that  if  restored  by  his  aid,  he  would 
give  him  his  daughter  Eva  in  marriage,  and  secure 
him  the  inheritance  of  his  kingdom — a  promise  di- 
rectly at  variance  with  the  Irish  law,  which  made 
the  succession  to  the  crown  elective,  and  acknow- 
ledged no  right  in  the  female  descendants.  Strong- 
bow  lent  a  willing  ear  to  these  conditions:  but,  fear- 
ing the  jealousy  of  Henry,  refused  to  sail  until  he 
received  his  sovereign's  special  permission.  While 
Richard  was  thus  delayed,  Dermod  succeeded  in  en- 
gaging other  adventurers,  equally  brave  and  unscru- 
pulous, but  not  so  powerful  as  Earl  Richard.  The 
chief  of  these  was  Robert  Fitz-Stephen,  the  gover- 
nor of  Cardigan,  in  South  Wales.  He  had  been 
thrown  into  prison  by  Rico,  or  Rhees-ap-Griffit.h, 
one  of  the  Welsh  princes,  for  refusing  to  join  in  an 
insurrection  against  the  Norman  power;  and  he  was 
now  released,  on  condition  of  departing  with  his  fol- 
lowers to  another  country,  where  they  could  offer  no 
resistance  to  the  meditated  revolt.  With  him  were 


HISTORT   OF   IRELAND.  47 

Joined  Maurice  Fitz-Gerald,  his  maternal  brother,  the 
son  of  the  Bishop  of  St.  David's,  Meiler  Fitz-Henry, 
Maurice  de  Prendergast,  TIerve  of  Montmarais.  and 
some  other  knights  of  reputation.  Having  made 
these  arrangements,  Dermod  prematurely  returned  to 
Ireland,  where  he  was  soon  exposed  to  the  most  im- 
minent danger.  On  the  news  of  his  arrival,  O'Con- 
nor and  O'Rourke  marched  against  him  with  their 
united  forces;  and  MacMurchad,  unable  to  make 
any  effective  resistance,  retired  with  a  few  adherents 
into  the  fastnesses  of  Hy-Kinsellagh,  a  wild  district 
on  the  banks  of  the  river  Slaney.  At  the  same  time, 
he  despatched  his  friend  and  secretary  Maurice  into 
Wales,  to  expedite  the  auxiliaries  who  had  promised 
their  assistance.  The  attempts  made  by  the  troops 
of  Cormaught  to  force  the  post  occupied  by  Der- 
mod were  repulsed  with  some  loss;  and  Roderick, 
being  at  the  same  time  alarmed  by  the  report  of  a 
meditated  revolt  in  Minister,  entered  into  an  accom 
modation  with  the  crafty  monarch,  and  allowed  him 
to  retain  a  portion  of  his  dominions,  on  condition  of 
paying  tribute.  — ^ 

In  the  beginning  of  May,  A.  D.  1770,  the  Norman  i  \ 
invaders  for  the  first  time  appeared  on  the  coast  of  /  f 
Ireland.  They  landed  at  a  place  called  Bann,  on  the  /  ' 
southern  coast  of  the  county  of  Wexford,  and  imme- 
diately sent,  messengers  to  notify  their  arrival  to 
Dermod.  This  little  army  consisted  only  of  thirty 
knights,  sixty  heavy-armed  soldiers,  and  three  hun- 
dred aichers,  under  the  command  of  Fitz-Stephen, 
and  ten  knights,  and  two  hundred  archers,  headed 
by  Prendergast — forces  so  apparently  inadequate  to 
the  feats  recorded  of  them,  that  their  achievements, 
at  first  sight,  seem  like  the  wild  fictions  of  romance. 
But  a  little  examination  of  the  circumstances  in 
which  the  Normans  and  Irish  were  placed  will  soon 
explain  this  apparent  disproportion  between  rause 
and  effect.  The  former  had  been  military  adven- 
turers for  more  than  a  century.  Having  no  depend- 


48  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

ence  but  their  swords,  they  had  devoted  themselves, 
from  infancy,  to  the  exercises  of  chivalry,  and  val- 
ued no  possession  but  their  arms  and  horses.  Their 
crossbows  and  their  discipline  had  decided  the  fate 
of  England  at  the  battle  of  Hastings  ;  and  the  wars 
on  the  Continent  had  taught  them  to  improve  these 
advantages  to  the  utmost.  The  Irish,  on  the  con- 
trary, had  never  served  out  of  their  own  country. 
They  had  learned  none  of  those  improvements  in 
the  art  of  war  which  made  the  name  of  Norman 
formidable  throughout  Europe.  Their  soldiers  still 
used  the  light  weapons  and  the  thin  defences  which 
had  sufficed  for  their  ancestors  ;  their  cavalry  was 
mounted  on  the  native  breed  of  horses,  called  hob- 
bies, light  and  active,  indeed,  but  not  so  formidable 
as  the  powerful  war-horse  of  the  foreign  knights. 
It  is  no  wonder,  then,  that  the  Normans,  locked  in 
complete  steel,  and  mounted  on  their  brilliant  char- 
gers, should  have  easily  routed  the  half-naked  and 
badly-mounted  troops  with  whom  they  had  to  con- 
tend. 

The  first  enterprise  undertaken  by  the  King  of 
Leinster  and  his  associates  was  the  siege  of  Wex- 
ford,  a  Danish  town  of  great  strength  and  import- 
ance. An  attempt  was  made  to  carry  it  by  assault, 
in  which  eighteen  of  the  assailants,  and  only  three 
of  the  garrison,  were  slain ;  but  such  was  the  im- 
pression produced  by  the  formidable  array  of  the 
Normans,  that  the  garrison,  at  the  instigation  of  the 
clergy,  offered  to  capitulate ;  and  after  a  delay  of 
three  days,  principally  caused  by  the  obstinate  pride 
of  Dermod,  the  town  was  surrendered  on  equitable 
terms. 

In  pursuance  of  his  promises,  Dermod  bestowed  the 
lordship  of  Wexford  and  the  surrounding  districts  on 
Fitz-Stephen,  conjointly  with  Fitz-Geralt),  though  the 
latter  had  not  yet  arrived  ;  and  he  presented  to  Herv6 
of  Montmarais  two  districts  on  the  coast  between 
*Vaterford  and  Wexford.  Herv6  planted  in  these  terri- 


HISTORY    OF   IRELAND.  40 

lories,  which  form  the  present  baronies  of  Bargy  and 
Forth,  a  colony  of  the  Belgians  who  had  settled  in  Pem- 
broke :  and  their  descendants,  even  at  the  present 
day.  continue  to  be  distinguished  from  the  inhab- 
itants of  the  surrounding  districts  by  their  peculiar 
dialect  and  customs. 

After  these  donations,  Dermod  resolved  to  turn 
his  arms  against  Donald  Mac-Gilla  Phadric  (  a 
name  afterward  anglicized  into  Fitz-Patrick),  the 
King  of  Ossory.  Donald  had  not  only  deserted 
Dermod  at  the  commencement  of  his  misfortunes, 
but  had  also  been  guilty  of  the  murder  of  his  son 
in  a  fit  of  matrimonial  jealousy.  Suspecting  that 
his  queen  viewed  the  princely  prisoner  too  favour- 
ably, Donald  tore  out  his  eyes  with  his  own  hands, 
and  the  hapless  youth  died  in  consequence.  The 
war  in  Ossory  (part  of  the  modern  county  of  Kil- 
kenny) was  more  formidable  than  the  attack  of 
Wexford.  Donald  stationed  his  forces  in  an  in- 
trenched camp,  whose  strength  defied  the  assaults 
of  the  Normans;  and  the  utmost  efforts  of  valour 
and  skill  were  unable  to  overcome  the  advantages 
of  his  position.  In  this  difficulty,  Fitz-Stephen  had 
recourse  to  stratagem.  He  ordered  his  men  to 
'•sign  a  retreat ;  and  when  the  Ossorians  rushed 
from  their  camp  with  all  the  elation  of  imagined 
victory,  the  men-at-arms  suddenly  wheeled  into 
line,  and  presented  "  a  wall  of  steel,"*  which  the 
half-naked  Irish  could  not  penetrate.  Surprised 
at  this  sudden  check,  they  wavered  ;  and  the  charge 
of  the  knights,  at  this  decisive  moment,  at  once 
decided  the  fate  of  the  day-  Ossory  was  wasted 
with  fire  and  sword  ;  but  the  victors  were  terrified 
by  the  dangerous  nature  of  the  country,  and  resolved 
to  secure  their  booty  by  a  timely  retreat.  Donald, 
•nore  irritated  than  daunted  by  calamity,  seized  ? 
iifficult  pass  through  which  the  invaders  should 

TV  forcible  expression  ot  an  Irish  annalist  on  a  similar  ocMBiOB. 

I.— D 


60  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

pass  on  their  return,  and,  but  for  the  precipitancy 
of  his  followers,  must  have  obtained  decisive  re- 
venge. Deceived  by  the  same  stratagem  as  before, 
the  Ossorians  rushed  from  their  intrenchments.  A 
party  placed  in  ambush  by  Dermod  suddenly  as- 
saulted their  rear,  and  the  lines  of  the  Normans  in 
their  front  could  not  be  broken.  The  people  of 
Ossory  suffered  more  severely  in  this  than  in  the 
former  engagement.  As  soon  as  the  fate  of  the 
battle  was  decided,  the  Irish  of  Dermod's  party, 
whose  equivocal  fidelity  seems  to  have  been  decided 
by  success,  made  a  fierce  slaughter  of  their,  flying 
countrymen ;  and  when  the  pursuit  ceased,  cut  off 
the  heads  of  the  fallen,  and  brought  them  to  Dermod 
as  a  trophy.  It  is  said  that  the  King  of  Leinster, 
finding  among  these  ghastly  spoils  the  head  of  one  of 
his  most  virulent  persecutors,  indulged  his  ferocious 
revenge  by  mangling  the  face  with  his  teeth ;  but  the 
story  rests  on  the  unsupported  testimony  of  Giraldus 
Cambrensis,  a  credulous  writer,  who  loses  no  oppor- 
tunity of  maligning  the  character  of  the  native  Irish. 
Dermod,  encouraged  by  his  successes,  proceeded 
to  punish  the  defection  of  the  several  septs  which 
had  been  subject  to  him  during  the  Hy-Nial  dynasty; 
but,  contrary  to  the  advice  of  his  allies,  he  con- 
tented himself  with  plundering  the  country,  and  took 
no  measures  to  secure  his  conquests.  The  defection 
of  Maurice  de  Prendergast  exposed  him  to  new  and 
unexpected  danger.  This  military  adventurer,  be- 
lieving that  his  services  were  not  properly  appre- 
ciated, went  over  to  the  Prince  of  Ossory,  and  thus 
enabled  him  to  act  on  the  offensive.  But  this  new 
alliance  was  of  brief  duration.  Prendergast,  after 
having  assisted  the  Ossorians  in  an  expedition  against 
the  O'Moores  of  Leix,  discovered  that  Donald's  fol- 
lowers treacherously  meditated  the  murder  of  their 
allies,  in  order  to  secure  their  part  of  the  plunder ;  and, 
justly  irritated,  returned  once  more  to  Dermod.  The 
arrival  of  Maurice  Fitz-Gerald  with  a  fresh  band  of 


HISTORY   OF   IRELAND.  81 

Normans  made'  the  superiority  of  the  King  of  Lein- 
Bter  so  decisive,  that  the  Ossorian  prince  offered 
terms  of  submission,  which,  on  the  recommendation 
of  the  Normans,  were  reluctantly  accepted. 

While  the  first  adventurers  were  thus  employed, 
Strongbow  had  proceeded  in  person  to  King  Henry, 
in  order  that  he  might  obtain  permission  to  lead  the 
adventurers  in  Ireland.  Henry,  swayed  both  by 
jealousy  and  ambition,  was  equally  unwilling  to  as- 
sent or  refuse.  He  made  an  equivocal  answer,  which 
the  earl  took  for  a  full  approbation,  and,  returning  to 
Wales,  made  extensive  preparations  for  his  expedi- 
tion. Raymond  le  Gros,  who  headed  the  vanguard 
of  the  new  armament,  was  sent  with  ten  knights  and 
seventy  archers  to  secure  a  landing-place  for  the  rest 
of  the  army  (A.  D.  1171).  He  arrived  about  the 
middle  of  May  in  the  noble  estuary  formed  by  the 
confluence  of  the  Nore,  the  Suir,  and  the  Barrow, 
a  little  below  the  city  of  Waterford,  and,  landing  at 
a  place  called  by  the  old  historians  Downdonnell,  or 
Dundonolf,  immediately  erected  a  fortification  of 
earth  and  sods  to  protect  his  little  army. 

Waterford  had  been  originally  a  colony  of  the 
Danes  or  Ostmen,  and  was  still  inhabited  by  their 
descendants.  It  was  governed  by  two  Danish 
princes,  Reginald  and  Swarlh,  and  appears  to  have 
enjoyed  a  qualified  independence.  The  news  of  Ray- 
mond's landing  considerably  alarmed  the  citizens, 
especially  when  they  remembeied  the  fate  of  Wexford, 
which  was  now  subjected  to  the  Norman  Fitz-Ste- 
phen.  Resolving  to  crush  the  evil  in  the  bud,  they 
summoned  to  their  assistance  some  of  the  neighbour- 
ing septs,  and  closely  blockaded  the  new  fort.  Ray- 
mond had,  in  the  mean  time,  collected  a  great  store  of 
cattle  from  the  neighbouring  districts,  which  he  drove 
against  the  lines  of  the  besiegers.  Before  the  Irish 
could  recover  from  their  confusion,  the  Normans 
rharged  and  obtained  a  victory,  as  great  as  it  was 
unexpected.  More  than  a  thousand  were  slain,  and 


62  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

about  seventy  taken  prisoners.  The  conquerors  did 
not  make  a  generous  use  of  their  victory.  Tha 
captives  were  massacred  in  cold  blood,*  by  order  of 
Raymond,  enraged  at  the  loss  of  his  brother-in-arma 
De  Bevin,  who  was  slain  in  the  battle. 

Henry  had,  in  the  mean  time,  peremptorily  com 
manded  Strongbow  to  desist  from  his  enterprise. 
But  the  earl,  trusting  that  success  would  atone  for 
his  disobedience,  set  sail,  and  arrived  in  the  Bay  of 
Waterford  with  a  force  of  two  hundred  knights  and 
aV>ut  twelve  hundred  infantry.  The  day  after  his 
landing,  Strongbow,  by  the  advice  of  Raymond, 
advanced  to  the  attack  of  Waterford;  and,  after 
having  inspected  the  .fortifications,  determined  to 
hazard  an  assault.  Twice  the  Normans  were  re- 
pulsed by  the  garrison ;  but  one  of  the  captains 
observing  at  the  eastern  angle  a  cage-work  house  that 
projected  beyond  the  walls,  cut  away  the  props  by 
which  it  was  supported ;  and  the  breach  caused  by 
the  fall  of  the  house  opened  an  entrance  for  the  as 
sailants.  The  resistance  of  the  garrison  was  pun- 
ished by  a  merciless  slaughter,  which  continued 
until  the  arrival  of  Dermod.  The  king  successfully 
exerted  himself  to  save  the  lives  of  his  countrymen  ; 
and  as  soon  as  the  work  of  murder  had  ceased,  sol- 
emnized the  stipulated  marriage  between  Strongbow 
and  his  daughter  Eva.  The  nuptials  were  celebrated 
with  such  maimed  rites  as  the  time  allowed;  and 
immediately  after  the  confederates  determined  to 
march  against  Dublin,  whose  inhabitants  had  thrown 
off  their  allegiance  to  Dermod. 

Tin'  news  of  these  successes  at  length  roused 
Roderick  from  his  inactivity.  He  assembled  a  nu- 
merous armv,  with  which  lie  advanced  to  Clondal 


'  In  ihi«!  nnil  wimi-  'iihei  <tet:n!s,  I  he  niillinrity  of  Maurict1  Hepaii  (sue. 
rriiiry  in  Knii1  Ivrn.o'i  h;i-  !» i-n  followed,  in  preference  to  that  of 
(Jirulilns  (  mn'ireiiMs  IV-nn  \v:ts  -.m  eyewitness,  nml  a  principal  actor 
,.i  .-ill  tl"'*e  iraiiMi'  lion?).  Tlii  inforniiiiioii  of  Carnbrciisis  was  derived 
'rom  hiHirHM.v 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  53 

nan,  between  the  invaders  and  Dublin ;  but  no  sooner 
had  his  followers  seen  the  formidable  array  of  the 
Normans,  than  they  lost  all  courage,  and  dispersed 
without  coming  to  an  engagement.  Dermod  pur- 
sued his  march  without  further  interruption;  for 
Hesculph  MacTurkill,  the  prince  of  the  Ostmen  in 
Dublin,  after  the  retreat  of  the  King  of  Connaught, 
was  unwilling  to  hazard  an  engagement.  Though 
the  number  of  the  besiegers  was  less  than  that  of 
the  garrison,  the  governor  readily  offered  to  capitu- 
late ;  but  as  the  terms  could  not  be  arranged  to  the 
mutual  satisfaction  of  both  parties,  Strongbow  re- 
solved to  hazard  an  assault,  which  was  completely 
successful.  The  slaughter  was  dreadful ;  for  the 
citizens,  though  deserted  by  the  soldiers,  made  a 
desperate  defence.  It  was  of  course  unsuccessful. 
Many  were  slain ;  and  numbers  of  those  who  escaped 
the  sword  were  drowned  in  the  river.  Hesculph 
and  a  great  part  of  the  garrison,  on  the  first  alarm, 
fled  to  their  ships,  and  escaped  to  the  Hebrides.  The 
victorious  Normans  next  made  an  incursion  into 
Meath,  where  they  met  with  little  resistance.  After 
a  brief  campaign  they  returned  to  Dublin,  laden  with 
plunder.  Roderick,  unable  or  unwilling  to  meet  the 
enemy  in  the  field,  sent  ambassadors  to  remonstrate 
with  Dermod ;  but  finding  that  the  King  of  Leinster, 
elated  by  success,  paid  little  regard  to  his  requests, 
he  ordered  the  hostages  which  had  been  given  to 
him  before  the  arrival  of  the  Normans  to  be  instantly 
beheaded.  One  of  these  unfortunate  victims  was 
Dermod's  natural  son.  The  slaughter  of  him  and 
his  companions  completed  the  alienation  of  Mac- 
Murrough  from  the  cause  of  his  country ;  and  at  his 
death,  which  occurred  soon  after,  he  bequeathed  his 
dominions  to  Strongbow,  and  exhorted  him  to  main- 
tain the  possession. 

The  death  of  Dermod  was  followed  by  the  defec- 
tion of  his  vassals:  and  several  other  events  which 
occurred  about  the  same  time  were  still  more  unfa- 


54  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

vourable  to  the  Normans.  A  general  council  of  tha 
Irish  clergy  was  held  at  Armagh.  After  a  long  de- 
liberation, they  declared  that  the  success  of  the  in- 
vaders was  owing  to  the  anger  of  Heaven,  which 
the  Irish  had  provoked  by  purchasing  English  slaves 
from  the  merchants  of  Bristol — a  city  long  infamous 
for  this  traffic  in  human  flesh.  The  slaves  through- 
out the  country  were  immediately  liberated;  and  the 
Irish,  believing  that  the  Divine  wrath  was  thus  averted, 
felt  proportionally  elated.  In  England,  Henry,  more 
jealous  than  ever  of  Strongbow's  success,  issued  an 
edict  strictly  forbidding  the  exportation  of  men, 
arms,  or  ammunition  to  Ireland. 

Under  these  circumstances,  Strongbow  learned, 
with  dismay,  that  a  formidable  confederacy  for  the 
expulsion  of  the  invaders  had  been  formed  by  the 
native  Irish,  the  Danes  of  the  Hebrides,  and  the 
corsairs  in  the  Isle  of  Man.  Strongbow  immediately 
sent  orders  to  Fitz-Stephen  to  send  part  of  the  gar- 
rison of  Wexford  to  assist  in  the  defence  of  Dublin. 
But  the  people  of  Wexford  no  sooner  saw  the  num- 
ber of  their  masters  weakened,  than  they  burst  into 
insurrection,  slew  the  greater  part,  and  sent  the  rest 
as  prisoners  to  an  island  in  the  bay.  The  news  of 
this  calamity  reached  Strongbow  at  the  moment 
when  his  courage  began  to  waver  on  account  of  the 
overwhelming  force  of  the  enemy.  He  immediately 
sent  Laurence  O'Toole,  Archbishop  of  Dublin,  to 
propose  terms  of  accommodation  to  Roderick,  and 
offered  to  acknowledge  himself  his  vassal.  The 
archbishop  is  said,  by  many  authors,  to  have  been 
the  original  instigator  of  the  confederacy ;  but  this 
opinion  seems  to  have  little  foundation  in  truth;  for  he 
would  scarcely  have  remained  voluntarily  in  a  garri 
son  of  which  he  had  planned  the  destruction.  Rod- 
erick declared  that  he  would  enter  into  no  treaty  of 
which  the  departure  of  the  Normans  from  the  island 
should  not  be  a  preliminary ;  and,  in  case  of  a  refusal 
threatened  to  give  immediate  orders  for  an  assault 


HISTORY   OF   IRELAND.  85 

When  these  terms  were  proposed  in  the  council  of 
the  adventurers,  Milo  de  Cogan  declared  his  resolu- 
tion rather  to  die  in  battle  than  to  purchase  uncer- 
tain safety  by  disgraceful  submission.  These  noble 
sentiments  were  applauded  by  the  entire  assembly; 
and,  before  their  enthusiasm  had  time  to  cool,  the 
troops  were  drawn  out,  for  the  apparently  desperate 
enterprise  of  assaulting  the  Irish  camp.  The  effect 
of  the  surprise  was  decisive.  The  besiegers  fled, 
almost  without  striking  a  blow.  Roderick  made  no 
effort  to  rally  his  troops ;  and  the  Normans,  with  the 
loss  of  only  a  single  man,  obtained  a  complete  vic- 
tory. The  Danes  returned  to  their  ships  as  soon  as 
they  learned  the  event,  and,  departing  to  the  Hebrides, 
relieved  Strongbow  from  all  his  difficulties.  The 
affairs  of  the  south  next  engaged  the  attention  of 
the  earl.  He  advanced  to  Wexford,  which  the  in- 
habitants burned,  and  deserted  on  his  approach ;  but 
while  he  was  preparing  to  take  a  severe  vengeance 
for  their  revolt  and  inveterate  hostility,  he  was  de- 
terred by  their  threat  of  massacring  Fitz-Stephen 
and  their  other  prisoners.  On  his  march,  he  escaped 
imminent  danger  from  an  ambuscade  prepared  by 
the  sept  of  the  O'Ryans  at  Hydrone  (in  the  modern 
county  of  Carlow).  The  Normans  were  assailed 
;in  a  narrow  pass,  where  their  superior  discipline 
availed  but  little;  and  their  defeat  would  have  been 
inevitable,  had  not  the  leader  of  the  Irish  been  slain 
by  an  arrow,  on  which  his  followers  immediately 
dispersed. 

The  earl  next  proceeded  to  Waterford,  where  he 
was  visited  by  his  brother-in-law,  O'Brien  Prince  of 
Thomond,  who  had  married  the  daughter  of  Dermod. 
A.n  expedition  against  the  King  of  Ossory  was  planned 
by  the  two  kinsmen,  and  a  powerful  army  advanced 
into  the  territories  of  this  inveterate  enemy  of  their 
deceased  father-in-law.  Donald  was  unable  to  with- 
stand the  united  forces,  and  sent  to  offer  terms  of 
peace.  A  personal  interview  was  arranged,  by  the 


56  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

mediation  of  Maurice  de  Prendergast ;  and  Donald, 
having  received  an  assurance  of  safety,  came  to  the 
Norman  camp.  O'Brien  and  Strongbow  were  in- 
clined to  violate  their  safe-conduct,  and  throw  the 
King  of  Ossory  into  prison ;  but  Maurice  de  Pren- 
dergast, notwithstanding  what  he  had  himself  suf- 
fered from  Donald's  treachery,  openly  protested 
against  this  breach  of  faith,  and  threatened  to  resist 
it  by  force  of  arms.  The  earl  yielded  to  this  noble 
remonstrance ;  and  the  Prince  of  Ossory  was  dis- 
missed in  safety.  Soon  after  an  expedition  was 
undertaken  against  the  O'Byrnes  of  Wicklow,  who 
were  easily  subdued  ;  but,  in  the  midst  of  his  tri- 
umphs, Strongbow  received  an  order  from  Henry,  so 
peremptory  that  he  dared  not  disobey.  Intrusting, 
therefore,  the  government  to  De  Cogan,  he  embarked 
for  England. 

A.  D.  1171. — During  the  earl's  absence,  Hesculph 
MacTurkill,  with  a  powerful  army  raised  among 
the  Norwegians  of  Man  and  the  Hebrides,  made  a 
formidable  attack  on  Dublin.  Cogan  obtained  the 
assistance  of  a  neighbouring  Irish  prince  named 
(jillemoholmogh,  whom  he  bound  by  oath  to  slay 
the  Normans  if  they  fled,  and  to  join  in  the  pursuit 
of  the  Norwegians,  should  the  followers  of  Cogan 
obtain  the  victory.  A  fierce  battle  was  fought  at  the 
eastern  gate  of  the  city,  nearly  on  the  ground  occu- 
pied by  the  modern  Dame-street  and  Cork  Hill. 
The  Normans,  under  the  command  of  the  governor, 
vigorously  repulsed  every  assault ;  and  Richard  Co- 
gan, issuing  with  a  chosen  band  from  the  south  gate, 
suddenly  attacked  the  Norwegians  in  the  rear,  and 
threw  them  into  fatal  confusion.  This  was  the  time 
for  Gillemoholmogh  to  perform  his  promise.  He 
accordingly  ordered  his  light  troops  to  pursue  the 
fugitives;  and  the  Irish,  mindful  of  their  ancient 
hostility  to  the  Danes,  sternly  refused  all  quarter. 
More  than  two  thousand  of  the  enemy  were  killed  ; 
aad  the  few  that  escaped  to  the  ships  only  delayed 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  57 

tfieir  fate;  for  a  fierce  storm  arose,  in  which  the 
greater  part  of  the  fleet  was  dashed  to  pieces.  Mac. 
Turkill  was  taken  prisoner  by  Richard  Cogan,  and 
sentenced  to  immediate  execution — the  governor 
pretending  that,  as  a  pirate,  he  was  excluded  from 
the  laws  of  war.  Thus  ended  the  last  expedition  of 
the  Danes  or  Ostmen  to  Ireland  ;  and  though  many  of 
their  descendants  remained  in  the  country,  especially 
in  the  seaports,  they  are  never,  after  this  event,  noticed 
as  a  separate  people. 

Before  venturing  into  the  presence  of  Henry, 
Strongbow  sent  his  friend  Raymond  le  Gros  to  con- 
ciliate the  irritated  monarch;  but  Raymond  unfor- 
tunately arrived  at  the  time  of  the  murder  of  the 
unfortunate  Becket,  when  Henry  was  too  deeply 
engaged  in  averting  the  consequences  of  that  rash 
and  wicked  deed  to  attend  to  the  affairs  of  Ireland. 
By  exerting  all  his  ability  and  ingenuity,  Henry  suc- 
ceeded in  regaining  the  favour  of  the  papal  court; 
and,  immediately  after  his  return  to  England,  sum- 
moned Strongbow  into  his  presence.  By  the  interces- 
sion of  Herve  de  Montc-Marisco  (now  called  Mount- 
morris),  the  earl  was  reconciled  to  his  sovereign, 
and  permitted  to  retain  all  his  Irish  possessions 
under  the  Englirh  crown.  But  notwithstanding  the 
pardon  given  to  Strongbow,  Henry  availed  himself 
of  the  Irish  expedition  as  a  plausible  pretext  for 
seizing  on  all  'he  castles  in  Pembroke,  under  pre- 
tence that  they  were  justly  forfeited,  by  their  owner* 
having  encouraged  an  illegal  armament.  Having 
thus  strengthened  his  power  in  Wales,  Henry  offered 
up  his  solemn  devotions  in  the  church  of  Saint  Da- 
vid's, and  then  proceeded  to  Miltbrd  Haven  where  a 
powerful  fleet  and  army  had  been  directed  to  as- 
semble. 

r._E 


68  HISTORY   OF   IRELAND. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

The  Reign  of  Henry  II 

A  D.  1172. — THE  news  of  Henry's  extensive  pre- 
parations were  received  in  Ireland  with  an  apathy 
and  unconcern  which  would  be  wholly  unaccount- 
able, if  there  had  not  been  some  previous  negotiations 
with  the  Irish  prelates  and  princes.  While  he  was 
yet  delayed  in  Milford,  many  tenders  of  submission 
and  allegiance  were  received  in  the  royal  camp; 
and,  among  others,  the  men  of  Wexford  sent  am- 
bassadors to  excuse  thrirlate  insurrection,  declaring 
that  they  had  seized  Fitz-Stephen  as  a  traitor  to  his 
majesty,  and  only  detained  him  until  the  royal  plea- 
sure was  known.  In  the  latter  end  of  October,  Henry 
arrived  in  the  harbour  of  Waterford.  He  came  pro- 
fessedly, not  to  conquer  the  country,  but  to  take  pos- 
session of  an  island  granted  him  by  the  pope ;  and 
he  relied  for  success  on  clerical  intrigue,  rather  than 
force  of  arms.  The  morning  after  his  arrival,  he 
received  the  submission  of  MacArthy,  the  powerful 
chief  of  Desmond,  or  South  Munster,  who  resigned 
all  his  estates  into  the  hands  of  the  king.  They  were 
all  regranted  immediately  on  the  usual  conditions 
of  feudal  tenure,  except  the  city  of  Cork,  which 
Henry  reserved  to  himself.  MacArthy's  example 
was  immediately  followed  by  the  Princes  of  Tho- 
mond,  Ossory,  and  the  Decics.  Even  O'Kourke  of 
Breffney,  whose  family  had  been  so  long  the  most 
eminent  partisans  of  the  O'Connor  dynasty,  came  to 
meet  the  English  monarch  on  his  march  to  Dublin, 
and  humbly  tendered  his  allegiance.  On  his  arrival 
in  Wexford,  Henry  allowed  himself  to  be  persuaded 
to  pronouive  the  pardon  of  Fitz-Stephen.  The  pal 


HISTORV   OF   IRELAND.  59 

iant  adventurer  was  permitted  to  retain  the  lands 
which  he  had  received  from  MacMurchad ;  but  the 
town  of  Wexford  was  declared  a  royal  garrison 
and  an  inalienable  possession  of  the  crown.  While 
the  most  extensive  preparations  were  making  to 
celebrate  the  festivities  of  Christmas  in  Dublin,  on  a 
scale  of  magnificence  to  which  the  Irish  toparchs 
were  hitherto  unaccustomed,  Hugh  de  Lacy  and 
William  Fitz-Adelm  de  Burgo  were  sent  against 
Roderick  O'Connor,  who  with  the  haughty  chief  of 
the  Hy-Nials  still  disdained  all  terms  of  submission. 
The  inclemency  of  the  season  and  the  difficulties  of 
the  country  rendered  this  expedition  ineffectual, 
ind  the  army  returned  to  Dublin.  In  a  temporary 
structure,  erected  outside  the  gates  of  the  city,  the 
Irish  princes  who  had  submitted  were  splendidly 
feasted  by  their  new  sovereign ;  and,  far  from  regret- 
ing  the  loss  of  their  independence,  they  congratulated 
themselves  on  becoming  the  subjects  of  a  monarch 
so  powerful  as  Henry  Fitz-Empress,  for  by  this  name 
the  native  historians  invariably  designate  the  Norman 
monarch,  in  order  to  gratify  their  national  pride,  and 
excuse  their  subjection  by  the  great  nobility  of  their 
master.  To  fulfil  the  conditions  of  the  papal  grant, 
and  to  provide  for  the  future  administration  of  the 
country,  Henry  summoned  a  synod  of  the  Irish 
princes  and  prelates  at  Cashel  under  the  presidency 
of  Christian  Bishop  of  Lismore,  the  legate  of  the  holy 
see.  To  this  council  came  the  Archbishops  of  Dub- 
lin, Tuam,  and  Cashel ;  the  bishops  of  the  different 
sees  in  the  south  and  east ;  a  few  of  the  English 
clergy  ;  the  most  powerful  toparchs  of  Munster  and 
Leinster ;  and  all  the  Norman  barons  who  had  ob- 
tained, or  hoped  to  obtain,  grants  of  Irish  estates. 
The  bull  of  Pope  Adrian,  and  its  confirmation  by  Alex- 
ander, were  read  in  the  assembly;  the  sovereignty 
of  Ireland  granted  to  Henry  by  acclamation ;  and 
several  regulations  made  for  increasing  the  power 
and  privileges  of  the  clergy,  and  assimilating  the 


60  HISTORY    Of   IRELAND. 

discipline  of  the  Irish  church  to  that  which  the 
Romish  see  had  established  in  Western  Europe.  Ge 
iasius  Archbishop  of  Ardmagh  did  not  attend  the 
synod,  but  excused  himself  on  account  of  his  age 
and  infirmities;  but  he  subsequently  came  to  Dublin, 
and  publicly  gave  his  full  assent  to  all  the  proceedings. 
The  rest  of  the  winter  was  spent  in  preparations  for 
extending  and  securing  the  conquests ;  but  unfortu- 
nately, before  Henry  could  put  the  wise  plans  which 
he  meditated  into  execution,  he  was  suddenly  sum- 
moned to  England  by  the  alarming  intelligence  of 
the  rebellion  of  his  ungrateful  sons,  and  of  the  arrival 
of  two  papal  legates,  to  inquire  into  the  circumstances 
of  Becket's  murder.  Sensible  of  his  danger,  the 
monarch  sailed  from  Wexford  on  the  feast  of  Easter, 
1173,  "  leaving  behind  him,"  as  Sir  John  Davis  re- 
marks, "  not  one  more  true  subject  than  he  had  found 
on  his  first  arrival."  The  government  of  Ireland 
was  intrusted  to  Hugh  de  Lacy,  with  Robert  Fitz- 
Stephen  and  Maurice  Fitz-Gerald  as  his  assistants. 
The  celebrated  John  de  Courcy,  the  tales  of  whose 
prowess  are  so  wild  and  romantic,  was  encouraged 
to  undertake  the  conquest  of  Ulster,  by  a  grant  of 
all  the  land  which  he  could  wrest  from  the  native 
possessors ;  and  the  entire  county  of  Meath  was 
given  to  Hugh  de  Lacy.  The  premature  departure 
of  Henry  was  the  primary  cause  of  all  the  evils  under 
which  Ireland  laboured  for  centuries.  Had  he  com- 
pleted the  subjugation  of  the  country,  he  would  natu- 
rally have  established  a  uniform  system  of  law  and 
government ;  he  would  have  made  his  followers  and 
the  native  inhabitants  bear  the  common  name  of 
fellow-subjects.  Unfortunately,  after  his  departure 
the  extension  of  the  Anglo-Norman  power  WHS  in- 
trusted to  private  adventurers,  whose  rewards  were 
the  spoils  of  the  vanquished.  When  spoliation  was 
thus  legalized,  it  is  not  surprising  that  many  Norman 
leaders  were  unscrupulous  in  the  selection  of  their 
victims,  and  seized  the  lands  of  those  wh  w«*e  in 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  61 

the  king's  peace  as  eagerly  as  the  estates  of  those 
who  still  disdained  submission.  Indeed,  the  septs 
which  had  been  foremost  in  acknowledging  the  Nor- 
man sovereignty  were  the  greatest  sufferers.  The 
adventurers  seized  their  lands  on  any  pretence,  or  on 
no  pretence.  The  provincial  governors  were  bribed 
by  a  share  of  the  spoil  to  refuse  redress  ;  and  an  ap- 
peal to  the  sovereign  was  difficult  on  account  of  the 
distance,  and  not  likely  to  succeed  when  the  crime 
\vas  supposed  favourable  to  the  royal  interests.  The 
settlement  at  the  synod  of  Cashel  was  manifestly 
misunderstood  by  all  the  parties  concerned.  The 
clergy  believed  that  Henry  assumed  the  title  of  lord- 
paramount  only  as  deputy  to  the  pope.  The  to- 
parchs  supposed,  that  by  their  tender  of  allegiance 
they  only  conceded  the  precarious  sovereignty  which 
had  been  enjoyed  by  the  native  princes ;  and  Henry 
imagined  that  he  had  secured  the  possession  of  the 
island,  though  his  power  really  extended  not  beyond 
the  places  actually  colonized  by  the  Normans.  The 
distinction  between  the  new  settlers  and  the  na- 
tives was  preserved  more  forcibly  by  the  continu- 
ance of  the  Brehon  law,  and  the  old  customs  of 
tenure  and  descent.  The  English  laws  were  granted 
only  to  the  Norman  settlers,  to  the  citizens  of  the 
principal  seaports,  and  to  a  few  who  obtained  char- 
ters of  denization  as  a  matter  of  favour.  Five  prin- 
cipal septs,  the  O'Neils  of  Ulster,  the  O'Connors  of 
Connaught,  the  O'Briens  of  Thomond,  the  O'Lach- 
lans  or  Melachlans  of  Meath,  and  the  MacMurroughs, 
called  also  Kavenaghs,  of  Leinster,  were  received 
•within  the  pale  of  English  law  ;  but  all  the  rest  were 
esteemed  aliens  or  enemies,  and  could  neither  sue 
nor  be  sued,  even  down  to  the  reign  of  Elizabeth. 
This,  in  fact,  amounted  to  a  total  denial  of  justice 
lor  any  wrongs  inflicted  on  the  natives.*  The  old 

*Cne  instance  may  be  quoted  as  an  example.    It  occurs  among  the 
•oils  of  pleas,  28  Edward  III. 

Simon  Neal  complains  of  William  Ncwlagh.  that  he,  with  force  and 


62  HISTORY   OF   IRELAND. 

rolls  contain  numberless  instances  of  complaints 
made  for  various  acts  of  violence,  to  which  the  cle 
fendants  plead  that  "  the  plaintiff  is  an  Irishman, 
and  not  of  the  five  bloods,"  an  answer  which  if  veri- 
fied was  always  held  sufficient.  When  an  English 
settler  was  slain,  the  murderer  was  executed  accord- 
ing to  English  law ;  but  the  death  of  a  native  was 
compensated  by  an  eric,  according  to  the  Brehon 
code.  Such  an  incongruity  afforded  so  many  chances 
of  escape  to  the  powerful,  and  opened  so  many  fa- 
cilities for  oppression,  that  we  cannot  wonder  at 
the  opposition  which  all  plans  for  the  establishment 
of  a  uniform  system  of  law  received  fiom  the  adven- 
turers and  their  descendants. 

The  incompleteness  of  the  conquest  produced  an- 
other evil  of  even  greater  magnitude,  whose  effects 
are  not  wholly  effaced  at  the  present  day.  We  have 
seen  that  land  was  held  at  the  pleasure  of  the  to- 
parch,  that  all  his  followers  were  tenants  at  will, 
who  might  be  dispossessed  at  a  momejit's  warning. 
The  possession  of  similar  power  was  ardently  desired 
by  the  Norman  barons.  With  short-sighted  policy, 

•rms,  on  the  Monday  after  the  feast  of  Saw.  rtfargaret,  at  Clondalkin,  1. 
the  county  of  Dublin,  broke  the  said  Simon's  close  and  his  herbage  wio 
oxen,  calves,  and  shoep,  consumed  and  trampled,  contrary  to  the  peao« 
*c. ;  whence  he  says  that  he  is  damaged  to  the  amount  of  twenty  shi. 
lings ;  and  thereof,  «fcc. 

"  And  the  aforesaid  William  comes  now  aid  says  that  the  aforesai 
Simon  is  an  Irishrnan,  and  not  of  the  Jim  bloods ;  and  asks  judgment  i 
he  be  held  10  answer  him. 

"  And  the  aforesaid  Simon  says  that  he  is  one.  of  die  Jive  blonds  ;  t 
wit,  of  the  O'Neales  of  Ulster,  who,  by  the  concession  of  the  proger 
jtors  of  our  lord  the  kiue,  ouyht  tit  enjoy  and  use  the  Liberties  of  Eng 
iand,  and  be  deemed  as  freemen  ;  and  this  he  offers  to  verily,  <fcc. 

"And  the  aforesaid  William  says,  that  Simon  is  an  Irishman,  an 
not  of  the.  O'Neales  of  Ulster,  vor  of  the  Jive  bloods;  and  therenpoi 
issue  is  joined,  &c.  Wherefore  let  a  jury,  &c. 

"  Which  jurors  say  upon  their  oalh.  that  the  aforesaid  Simon  is  of  th« 
O'Neales  of  Ulster,  and  is  of  the  live  bloods,  whicli  by  the  concession  01 
the  progenitors  of  our  lord  tin;  king  ought  to  enjoy  and  use  the  llbcrtie. 
Of  England,  and  be  deemed  as  freemen  ,  and  they  asfciv  the  damages  a< 
tenpence.  Therefore  it  is  considered,  that  the  albre^id  Om<v  «>i«iik 
recover  against  the  aforesaid  William  the  damages  &roi,.«aii.  «Dd  tha' 
.he  aforesaid  William  should  be  committed  to  jail,  u  -th,"  &,? 


HISTORY    OF   IRELAND.  63 

they  preferred  a  horde  of  miserable  serfs  to  a  body  of 
substantial  yeomanry ;  and  they  sacrificed  readily 
their  true  interests,  and  the  interests  of  both  coun- 
tries, to  secure  this  object  of  their  unworthy  ambition. 
A  similar  folly  seems  to  have  seized  on  the  succes- 
sive oligarchies  that  have  wielded  the  destinies  of 
Ireland.  Nothing  was  deemed  so  formidable  as  an 
independent  tenantry  ;  no  possession  more  desirable 
than  an  estate  stocked  with  beings  who  were  slaves 
in  all  but  the  name.  Hence,  for  many  centuries  the 
valuable  class  of  substantial  farmers  was  utterly  un- 
known in  Ireland — hence  the  number  of  such  is  even 
now  inconsiderable — and  hence  the  great  mass  always 
ready  for  insurrection,  when  summoned  by  popular 
leaders  or  by  their  own  passions ;  men  possessing  no 
sympathy  with  their  landlords,  for  never  did  commu- 
nity of  feeling  exist  between  master  and  slave;  men 
having  nothing  to  lose  in  agrarian  tumult,  and  every 
thing  to  hope  from  the  prospect  of  revolution.  The 
Norman  oligarchs  (if  such  a  word  may  be  used) 
were  bad  masters  and  worse  subjects.  The  monarchs 
soon  found  the  degenerate  English  who  had  adopted 
Irish  customs  more  obstinate  and  more  formidable 
enemies  than  the  natives.  In  the  language  of  the 
old  historians,  "  they  were  more  Irish  than  the  Irish 
themselves ;"  and,  from  their  first  settlement,  their 
principal  object  and  that  of  their  successors  was,  to 
control,  and  if  possible  prevent,  the  wholesome  influ 
ence  of  the  British  government,  in  order  to  maintain 
their  own  monopoly  of  oppression.  Had  Henry 
remained  a  sufficient  time  to  complete  his  prudent 
plans,  he  might  really  have  established  an  English 
interest  in  Ireland ;  but  he  only  left  behind  him  an 
oligarchy,  which,  like  all  other  oligarchies  in  a  coun- 
try possessing  the  semblance  of  freedom,  was  ever 
jealous  of  the  sovereign,  and  odious  to  the  people. 

Scarcely  had  Henry  departed,  when  new  commo- 
tions proved  how  insecure  was  the  settlement  which 
he  had  effected.  Strongbow  was  obliged  to  send  an 


64  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

army  to  collect  the  promised  tribute  from  the  to 
oarchs  in  Ofally.  On  his  return,  his  forces  were 
suddenly  attacked  in  a  defile,  and  Robert  de  Quincy 
his  son-in-law  and  standard-bearer,  slain.  The  granl 
of  Meath  to  Lacy  occasioned  more  important  tumults. 
Some  of  the  toparchs,  but  especially  O'Ruark  ol 
Brcfmey,  had  been  received  into  the  king's  peace 
and  confirmed  in  their  possessions;  but  they  justly 
dreaded,  that  the  formidable  castles  which  Lacy  WHS 
erecting  and  garrisoning  would  prove  too  powerful 
for  royal  grants  and  legal  claims.  It  was  proposed 
that  O'Ruark  and  Lacy  should  arrange  their  respect- 
ive boundaries  in  an  amicable  conference  on  the  hill  of 
Tarah  ;  and  thither  both  repaired  with  trusty  bands 
of  their  adherents.  Both  parties  are  accused  of 
treachery,  and  very  probably  both  were  equally  guilty. 
The  conference  terminated  in  a  furious  engagement. 
Lacy  was  with  difficulty  rescued  by  Fitz-Gerald; 
but  O'Ruark  was  slain  on  the  spot  with  a  great  num- 
ber of  his  followers.  Similar  incidents  alienated 
the  affection  of  the  princes  who  had  submitted  to  the 
Norman  dynasty.  They  found  that  the  sovereign 
was  unwilling  or  unable  to  afford  them  protection 
against  the  avaricious  adventurers;  and  they  re- 
solved to  take  advantage  of  the  difficulties  in  which 
Henry  was  placed,  and  make  one  bold  effort  foi 
independence. 

The  rebellion  of  Henry's  unnatural  children  was 
supported  by  his  inveterate  enemy  the  Kingof  France, 
and  by  many  of  the  diminished  native  tribes  that  in- 
habited the  north-western  shores  of  Gaul.  His 
queen  and  several  of  tin:  Knjish  nobles  had  joined  > 
the  infamous  confederacy,  and  there  seemed  no  means 
by  which  his  ruin  could  be  averted.  But  the  abili- 
ties of  Henry  rose  superior  to  danger.  He  took 
into  his  pay  a  large  body  of  those  military  adven- 
turers called  Brabancons,  who  wandered  through 
Europe  in  search  of  an  employer.  He  summoned 
his  adherents  from  every  part  of  his  dominions; 


HIS  I  OR  Y    OF    IRELAND.  65 

A  ml  he  used  all  the  diplomatic  arts,  of  which  he  was  a 
consummate  master,  to  sow  discord  between  the 
members  of  the  alliance  formed  against  him.  The 
alacrity  with  which  Strongbow  hastened  in  this  con- 
juncture to  bring  assistance  to  his  sovereign  effaced 
the  jealousy  which  had  been  previously  entertained 
of  his  designs.  He  was  sent  back  to  Ireland  with  the 
authority  of  lord-deputy,  and,  with  what  he  deemed 
of  equal  Importance,  permission  to  avail  himself  of 
Raymond's  abilities  in  any  enterprise  that  appeared 
advisable.  Immediately  after  his  arrival,  Strongbow 
took  care  to  remove  those  leaders  whose  ambition 
would  probably  have  induced  them  to  resist  his  au- 
thority. Lacy,  Cogan,  Fitz-Stephen,  and  Fitz-Gerald 
were  ordered  into  England  to  assist  the  King  of 
England  in  his  war  against  the  Scots  ;  and  the  dan- 
ger of  their  jealousy  being  thus  removed,  Raymond 
was  ordered  to  lead  the  English  army  into  the  terri- 
tories of  the  revolted  princes.  This  expedition  was 
equally  successful  and  profitable.  Raymond  laid 
waste  the  district  of  Ofally,  and  extended  his  ravages 
into  the  south  of  Minister.  He  led  his  army,  laden 
with  plunder,  to  Lismore,  and  resolved  to  send 
the  booty  thence  to  Waterford  for  greater  security. 
The  Prince  of  Desmond  and  the  people  of  Cork, 
having  heard  of  the  rich  stores  about  to  be  transmitted 
to  Waterford,  fitted  out  a  fleet,  supported  by  an  army, 
to  intercept  them  on  their  passage ;  but  on  the  same 
day  they  were  defeated  both  by  land  and  sea,  and 
Raymond  entered  Waterford  in  all  the  pomp  of  mili- 
tary triumph. 

These  victories  made  Raymond  a  great  favourite 
with  the  soldiers;  and  his  readiness  to  wink  at  their 
excesses  secured  him  their  affection.  Relying  on 
this  power,  and  elated  by  success,  he  now  ventured 
to  ask  for  the  hand  of  Basilia,  Strongbow's  sister,  and 
the  office  of  standard-bearer  of  Leinster.  Irritated 
at  the  peremptory  refusal  of  both  his  demands,  Ray- 
mond returned  to  Wales,  and  the  command  of  the 


08  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

army  was  given  to  Herv6  of  Monntmarais,  a  man  of 
inferior  abilities,  and  greatly  disliked  for  the  severity 
of  his  discipline.  Emulous  of  rivalling  Raymond's 
fame,  Herve  persuaded  Strongbow  to  attempt  the 
subjugation  of  Munster.  The  army  advanced  co 
Cashel  without  encountering  any  opposition ;  but  an 
auxiliary  force  of  Ostmen  from  Dublin  was  surprised 
by  O'Brien  near  Thurles,  and  cut  to  pieces.  The 
news  of  this  calamity  showed  Strongbow  the  neces- 
sity of  immediate  retreat.  He  retired  with  great 
precipitation  to  Waterford ;  and  the  Irish,  magnifying 
this  slight  advantage  into  a  decisive  victory,  declared 
that  they  would  never  make  peace  until  they  had 
expelled  the  invaders.  The  new  confederacy  was 
joined  by  the  Kavenaghs,  and  the  other  principal 
septs  which  had  hitherto  supported  the  Normans  in 
all  their  efforts  ;  a  fact  from  which  it  may  fairly  be 
presumed  that  gratitude  to  their  allies  was  as  little 
a  virtue  of  the  invaders  as  mercy  to  the  vanquished  ; 
and  Roderick  O'Connor  was  induced  to  place  himself 
at  the  head  of  a  confederacy  which  seemed  to  enjoy 
the  fairest  prospects  of  success. 

In  this  difficulty,  Strongbow  found  himself  forced 
to  have  recourse  to  Raymond  le  Gros,  and  sent  mes- 
sengers to  solicit  the  return  of  that  valiant  leader. 
Raymond  readily  acceded  to  the  request.  He  col- 
lected a  new  band  of  adventurers  ;  and,  crossing  the 
sea,  arrived  in  Waterford  when  the  inhabitants  were 
on  the  point  of  attempting  a  general  massacre  of  the 
garrison.  The  nuptials  of  Raymond  and  Basiliu  were 
celebrated  at  Wexford;  and  on  the  following  morn- 
ing,  the  bridegroom  proceeded  to  check  the  advance 
of  O'Connor's  army,  which  now  threatened  an  attack 
on  Dublin.  But  the  Irish  monarch  was  unable  to 
Nring  his  tumultuous  forces  loan  engagement.  Eager 
to  secure  the  plunder  they  had  obtained  in  Meath, 
the  chieftains  insisted  on  returning  home  ;  nor  could 
they  be  persuaded  to  make  a  stand  when  Raymond 
overtook  their  rear,  and  slaughtered  several  compa 


HISTORY   OF   IRELAND.  <J7 

tties  almost  without  resistance.  Having  repaired  the 
castles  which  had  been  destroyed  in  Meath,  Raymond 
next  led  his  army  into  Minister,  to  punish  O'Brien, 
Prince  of  Thomond.  He  was  attended  by  his  usual 
good  fortune.  The  Irish  troops  everywhere  fled  at 
his  approach.  Limerick  was  taken  with  little  loss, 
and  its  plunder  enriched  the  victorious  army. 

This  last  defeat  convinced  Roderick  O'Connor, 
who  seems  to  have  desponded  from  the  very  begin- 
ning, that  nothing  but  timely  submission  could  save 
him  from  impending  ruin  ;  but,  disdaining  to  nego- 
tiate with  Strongbow,  he  sent  ambassadors  to  King 
Henry,  then  in  England.  A  treaty  was  concluded 
on  equitable  conditions,  which,  like  most  treaties  of 
the  time,  was  observed  no  longer  than  served  the 
purposes  of  the  stronger  party.  Roderick  was  con- 
firmed in  the  possession  of  his  hereditary  dominions, 
and  permitted  to  retain  the  empty  title  of  King  of 
Ireland. 

The  favourable  prospects  thus  opened  were  threat 
ened  with  speedy  extinction  by  the  jealous  suspicions 
of  Henry.  He  lent  a  greedy  ear  to  the  tales  which 
Herv6  told  of  Raymond's  ambition ;  and  sent  over 
four  commissioners,  two  of  whom  were  charged  to 
conduct  Raymond  into  England,  and  the  others  di- 
rected to  investigate  the  proceedings  of  Strongbow. 
The  commissioners  were  received  with  all  the  respect 
due  to  their  station.  Raymond  professed  his  readi- 
ness to  obey;  but,  while  his  departure  was  delayed 
by  contrary  winds,  news  arrived  that  O'Brien  of 
Thomond  had  again  renewed  the  war,  and  had 
already  so  vigorously  pressed  the  siege  of  Limerick, 
that  the  garrison,  unless  instantly  relieved,  must  ca- 
pitulate. The  army,  zealously  attached  to  Raymond, 
and  conscious  of  its  own  importance,  refused  to 
march  unless  headed  by  the  favourite  general;  and 
the  commissioners  were  forced  to  yield  a  reluctant 
assent  to  a  requisition  *-hich  confirmed  all  then 
suspicions. 


88  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

The  expedition  into  Thomond  was  completely 
successful.  O'Brien's  army  was  routed  near  Cashel, 
notwithstanding  the  advantages  of  superior  numbers, 
and  a  formidable  position ;  the  siege  of  Limerick 
was  raised  ;  and  Minister  was  filled  with  terror  and 
dismay,  by  the  rapid  career  of  the  victorious  army. 
A  civil  war  in  Desmond,  originating  from  that  preg- 
nant source  of  convulsions,  the  law  of  tanistry, 
afforded  Raymond  a  pretext  for  advancing  into  that 
country.  MacArthy  Prince  of  Desmond  had  been 
dethroned  by  his  son  Cormac,  who  feared  that  the 
succession  would  devolve  on  some  other  individual 
The  exiled  toparch,  having  sworn  allegiance  to 
Henry,  claimed  the  assistance  of  the  English  general, 
and  promised  a  munificent  reward  if  his  restoration 
could  be  effected.  Raymond  eagerly  embraced  the 
offer.  He  advanced  into  Desmond,  and,  by  the  mere 
terror  of  his  arms,  compelled  the  inhabitants  to  sub- 
mil  to  their  rightful  sovereign.  He  was  rewarded  by 
the  gift  of  some  valuable  lands  in  Kerry,  which  he 
retained  and  transmitted  to  his  posterity. 

In  the  midst  of  his  triumphs,  Raymond  was  alarmed 
by  the  receipt  of  a  mysterious  letter  from  his  wife 
Basilia.  It  state.!  that  her  great  tooth,  which  had 
ached  so  long,  was  ;U  last  fallen  out,  and  entreated 
him  to  return  with  all  speed  to  Dublin.  This  enig- 
matical announcement  of  Strongbow's  death  justly 
alarmed  Raymond.  He  knew  that  the  Irish,  notwith 
standing  their  pretended  submissions,  really  abhorred 
the  invaders,  and  he  dreaded  their  seizing  this  oppor- 
tunity to  join  in  a  generd  revolt,  and  overwhelm  the 
English  army  in  detail.  Jn  this  juncture,  he  adopted 
the  wise  plan  of  concentrating  all  his  forces  on  the 
eastern  coast,  where  assistance  might  easily  be  re- 
ceived from  England.  Withdrawing,  therefore,  the 
garrison  from  Limerick,  he  gave  up  the  possession 
of  the  city  to  O'ijrien,  pretending  to  confide  in  his 
lavi.-h  promises  of  fidelity,  and  his  solemn  oaths  of 
alK'jriauce.  The  garrison,  however,  had  scarcely 


HISTORY    OF   IRELAND.  69 

passed  over  the  bridge,  when  they  had  tne  mortifica- 
tion to  see  it  broken  down  behind  them :  and  at  the 
same  time  the  flames  that  arose  from  the  devoted 
city  showed  how  little  oaths  and  promises  could 
bind  the  perfidious  Prince  of  Thomond. 

The  obsequies  of  Strongbow  were  performed  in 
Dublin  tt  ith  great  magnificence.  He  left  behind  him 
no  male  heir,  which  the  superstitious  chroniclers  at- 
tribute to  the  sacrileges  which  he  had  committed  or 
authorized.  His  character  is  drawn  in  very  different 
colours  by  the  historians  of  the  English  and  Irish 
parties.  From  both  it  appears  that  he  possessed,  in 
no  ordinary  degree,  the  military  skill,  romantic  daring, 
and  high  chivalrous  valour  that  usually  belonged  to 
the  Norman  adventurers ;  but  that  his  military  virtues 
were  sullied  by  the  cruelty,  rapacity,  and  recklessness 
of  the  misery  inflicted  on  the  vanquished  which  the 
northern  tribes  and  their  descendants  exhibited  in  all 
their  conquests. 

Raymond  was  chosen  chief  governor  by  the  coun- 
cil until  the  king's  pleasure  could  be  known;  but 
Henry,  yielding  to  jealousy,  appointed  as  his  deputy 
William  Fitz-Andelm  de  Burgo,a  nobleman  allied  to 
him  by  blood.  The  new  governor  was  accompanied 
into  Ireland  by  a  gallant  train  of  knights,  among 
whom  Fitz-Stephen  de  Cogan,  and  Fitz- Walter,  the 
ancestor  of  the  Ormond  family,  were  most  conspicu- 
ous. Another  and  equally  important  deputy  arrived 
at  the  same  time.  Vivian,  the  papal  legate,  came 
over  with  a  bull  confirming  the  previous  grants,  and 
was  attended  by  Wallingford,  an  English  ecclesiastic, 
who  was  to  assist  him  in  re  funning,  that  is  enslaving, 
the  Irish  church  (A.  D.  177).  While  Fitz-Andelm 
made  an  ostentatious  progress  along  the  coast,  in- 
specting the  fortifications  which  had  been  lately 
erected,  Vivian  convened  an  assembly  of  the  clergy  at 
Waterford,  in  which  the  papal  bull  was  read  and  ie- 
ceived,  and  the  severest  threats  of  spiritual  vengeance 


70  flISTORV    OF    IRELAND. 

Denounced  against  those  who  should  impeach  th« 
grant  made  by  the  successor  of  St.  Peter. 

The  state  of  Ireland  during  the  administration  of 
Fitz-Andelm  was  the  most  miserable  that  can  be 
conceived.  The  original  invaders  looked  on  the  at- 
tendants of  the  lord-deputy  with  suspicion ;  and  the 
now  coiners  eagerly  coveted  the  broad  lands  which 
;i;id  rewarded  the  valour  of  the  first  adventurers. 
T'IP  sons  of  Maurice  Fitz-Gerald  were  compelled  to 
exchange  their  lands,  which  lay  in  a  secure  part  of 
the  country,  for  others  more  exposed  to  the  incur 
sions  of  the  Irish.  Raymond  le  Gros  and  Robert 
iMtz-Stephen  were  forced  to  a  similar  compliance 
and  the  dangerous  feeling  of  insecurity  of  property 
was  universally  diffused.  De  Courcy,  with  his  bro- 
ther-in-arms  Armoric  St.  Laurence,  invaded  Ulster 
on  his  own  account,  and  conquered  the  principality 
of  Ulad  (the  county  of  Down).  The  Irish  would 
not  tamely  submit  to  such  spoliation,  but  maintained 
a  bitter  and  wasting,  though  unsuccessful,  warfare 
against  the  adventurers.  Milo  de  Cogan  was  invited 
to  invade  Connaught,  by  the  son  of  Roderick  O'Con- 
nor, who  wished  to  dethrone  his  father.  He  entered 
the  country  with  a  powerful  army;  but  the  Irish 
tMirned  their  provisions  and  destroyed  their  cattle,  in 
order  to  deprive  their  enemies  of  subsistence.  Des- 
mond and  Thomond  were  miserably  devastated  by 
civil  wars  between  rival  chieftains  and  ambitious 
ciaimants  for  the  office  of  tanist ;  and  the  whole 
country  was  laid  waste  in  these  unnatural  and  bloody 
quarrels.  All  that  had  hitherto  been  regarded  as 
sacred  was  disregarded ;  the  churches  afforded  no 
shelter,  the  monasteries  yielded  no  protection,  the 
Norman  soldiers  paid  no  reverence  to  the  sanctua- 
ries, and  the  Irish  burned  them  down  when  they 
found  that  they  were  no  longer  a  safe  refuge.  Trea- 
chery and  assassination  were  of  such  ordinary  oc- 
currence that  they  ceased  to  be  regarded  as  criminal. 
The  tanist  of  the  Hy-Xial  was  murdered  by  a 


HISTORY   OF   IRELAND.  71 

rival  lord ;  the  murderer,  in  his  turn,  fell  by  a  similar 
crime ;  and  the  partisans  of  both  butchered  each 
other  without  mercy,  striving  which  could  boast  of 
the  greater  amount  of  iniquity.  The  imperfect  re- 
cords of  the  time  detail  nothing  but  similar  enormi- 
ties; and  their  accounts  would  lead  us  to  believe, 
that  during  this  calamitous  period  all  restraints  of 
religion  and  law  were  banished  from  Ireland,  and  its 
native  and  new  inhabitants  equally  subjected  to  the 
tyranny  of  their  own  brutal  passions. 

Repeated  complaints  at  length  directed  Henry's 
attention  to  the  dangers  of  Fitz-Andelm's  misgovern- 
ment.  He  was  recalled,  and  Hugh  de  Lacy  ap- 
pointed in  his  stead.  At  the  same  time  Henry 
conferred  the  lordship  of  Ireland  on  his  favouiite 
son  John.  We  are  not  told  whether  this  was  con- 
sidered a  violation  of  the  late  treaty  with  Roderick : 
but  certainly  the  rights  of  the  Irish  monarch  were 
disregarded  in  the  transaction,  for  the  grant  to  John 
contains  precisely  the  same  stipulations  and  reserva- 
tions which  had  been  made  with  Roderick.  With  an 
equal  disregard  of  the  terms  on  which  the  Irish 
princes  had  given  their  allegiance,  the  kingdom  of 
Cork  was  granted  to  Milo  de  Cogan  and  Robert 
Fitz-Stephen,  with  the  reservation  of  the  city  to  the 
crown.  The  territory  of  Waterford,  with  a  similar 
reservation,  was  given  to  Robert  de  la  Poer  ;  a  great 
part  of  Connaugrit  to  William  Fitz-Andelm  ;  and  the 
territory  of  Limerick  to  Herbert  Fitz-Herbert  The 
prudence  of  the  adventurers  prevented  the  evils 
which  these  unprincipled  cessions  were  likely  to  pro- 
duce. They  entered  into  negotiations  with  the 
natives;  and,  having  obtained  possession  of  some 
districts,  they  left  the  rest  to  the  original  inhabit- 
ants. Herbert,  indeed,  resigned  the  grant  made  to 
bim.  He  was  already  sufficiently  wealthy,  and  too 
indolent  to  engage  in  any  new  adventure.  It  was 
therefore  transferred  to  Philip  de  Braosa,  who  was 
as  little  inclined  to  brave  difficulties  or  dangers. 


73  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

When  Braosa  advanced  to  take  possession  of  hit 
new  estate,  the  Irish  set  fire  to  Limerick  ;  and  Bra- 
osa, affrighted  by  this  act  of  desperation,  fled  pre- 
cipitately with  his  followers  to  Cork.  Nor  could 
any  persuasion  induce  them  to  renew  their  efforts. 

Hugh  de  Lacy's  administration  was  equally  vigor- 
ous and  prudent.  He  dealt  out  impartial  justice 
without  any  distinction  of  Irish  or  Normans.  He 
restrained  the  rapacity  of  the  latter,  and  endeav- 
oured to  conciliate  the  affections  of  the  former.  Hia 
marriage  with  the  daughter  of  Roderick  O'Connoi 
seemed,  in  the  eyes  of  the  Irish,  to  give  him  a  claim 
to  Meath  more  legitimate  than  that  conferred  by  the 
grants  of  Henry;  and  no  opposition  was  made  to 
his  erecting  castles  and  forts  for  the  security  of  that 
part  of  the  country.  Jealousy  of  the  power  or  po- 
pularity of  his  subjects  was  Henry's  besetting  ain. 
The  accounts  he  received  of  Lacy's  administration, 
his  prudence,  his  skill,  and  his  tried  valour,  induced 
the  monarch  to  suspect  that  he  meditated  throwing 
off  his  allegiance,  and  becoming  an  independent 
sovereign.  The  deputy  was  recalled,  and  three  lords- 
justices  appointed ;  but  the  readiness  with  which 
Lacy  resigned  his  power  lightened,  if  it  did  not 
efface,  Henry's  suspicions  ;  and  the  incapacity  of  his 
•successors  leading  to  a  renewal  of  former  evils,  the 
king  was  obliged  to  restore  Lacy  to  his  government 
in  less  than  three  month?.  The  king,  it  is  said,  at 
Lacy's  request,  sent  Robert  of  Shrewsbury  to  Ire- 
land, with  the  lord-deputy,  nominally  as  his  domes- 
tic chaplain,  but  really  as  a  spy  on  his  conduct. 
The  Irish  clergy  had  sacrificed  the  independence  of 
their  country  to  their  avarice  and  ambition  ;  but  they 
found  themselves  cheated  of  the  expected  reward. 
They  immediately  had  recourse  to  the  pope;  and  a 
deputation,  headed  by  Laurence  O'Toole,  Arch- 
binhop  of  Dublin,  and  five  bishops,  was  sent  to 
Rome.  Their  complaints  were  well  received ;  and 
his  hoik  ess  armed  Laurence  with  the  powers  of 


HISTORY   OF   IRELAND.  73 

apostolic  legate.  But  Henry  was  aware  of  this  im- 
pending danger,  and  arrested  Laurence  in  Normandy 
on  his  return.  The  prelate,  notwithstanding  all  his 
remonstrances,  was  detained  a  prisoner  until  his  death 
in  1181.  The  Irish  historians  have  generally  chosen 
to  celebrate  Laurence  as  a  patriot,  and  the  Irish 
Catholics  venerate  him  as  a  saint ;  but  the  double 
traitor  had  few  claims  to  either  honour.  The  Eng. 
lish  writers  dwell  on  hie  hostility  to  the  invaders  as 
an  excuse  for  the  ungrateful  treatment  he  received 
from  Henry.  The  Irish,  anxious  to  find  one  friend 
of  his  country  among  the  clergy,  eagerly  adopt  this 
unfounded  representation.  The  undisputed  facts  in 
the  archbishop's  life  are  few ;  but  they  decisively 
prove,  that  he  began  by  being  a  traitor  to  his  conn- 
try,  and,  not  receiving  the  expected  reward,  ended 
by  becoming  a  rebel  to  the  king  of  his  own  selec- 
tion. In  the  very  beginning  of  the  invasion,  we 
find  him  acting  as  ambassador  for  Strongbow  At 
the  synod  of  Cashel,  he  was  foremost  in  recognising 
Henry's  title;  and  at  Waterford,  he  joined  in  de- 
nouncing curses  against  all  who  should  resist  the 
arrangements  made  by  the  holy  see.  He  was  suc- 
ceeded by  John  Comyn,  an  Englishman,  and  a  great 
favourite  of  the  king;  and  the  appointment  was  con- 
firmed by  Pope  Lucius. 

Five  years  had  elapsed  since  Cogan  and  Fitz-Ste- 
phen  had  tranquilly  settled  on  their  new  estates,  and 
lived  on  amicable  terms  with  their  neighbours. 
Though  grieved  by  the  loss  of  a  favourite  son,  Fitz- 
Stephen  had  every  prospect  of  terminating  an  hon- 
ourable life  in  a  peaceful  old  age.  The  jealousy  of 
his  old  rival  Cogan  was  averted  by  the  marriage  of 
another  son  to  Cogan's  daughter;  and  the  hostility 
of  the  Irish  toparchs  seemed  to  have  yielded  to  time 
and  fs-viiliar  intercourse.  But  these  appearances  were 
fallacious.  Cogan  and  his  son-in-law  were  trea- 
rherously  murdered  by  a  toparch,  named  MacTire, 
who  ^ad  invited  them"  on  a  visit;  and,  in  the  midst 
I — F 


74  HISTORY   OF   IRELAND. 

of  the  grief  and  consternation  occasioned  by  this 
outrage,  Fitz-Stephen  was  compelled  to  provide  for 
the  safety  of  Cork,  to  which  MacArthy  had  laid 
siege  as  soon  as  he  heard  of  Cogan's  muider.  The 
flame  of  revolt  spread  rapidly  through  Desmond  and 
Thomond.  The  toparchs  hasted  to  join  MacArthy, 
believing  that  Cogan's  death  afforded  them  a  favour- 
able opportunity  of  expelling  the  invaders;  and 
Fitz-Stephen,  broken  down  with  age  and  sorrow, 
applied  to  his  nephew  Raymond  for  assistance.  Le 
Gros  lost  no  time  in  marching  from  Wexford  to  re- 
lieve his  uncle.  He  soon  raised  the  siege,  and  com- 
pelled the  Prince  of  Desmond  to  sue  for  peace  on 
Humiliating  conditions ;  but  Fitz-Stephen  was  no 
longer  sensible  of  this  success.  Grief  for  the  death 
of  his  son  had  deranged  his  intellects,  and  during 
the  rest  of  his  life  he  continued  a  lunatic. 

To  repair  the  injuries  which  the  late  insurrection 
had  inflicted  on  the  English  power,  Henry  sent 
Richard  de  Cogan,  the  brother  of  the  murdered  ba- 
ron, and  Philip  Barry,  a  celebrated  knight  of  Wales, 
with  a  powerful  army  into  Minister.  The  soldiers 
were  accompanied  by  a  train  of  ecclesiastics,  among 
whom  was  Gerald  Harry,  better  known  by  the  name 
of  Giraldus  Cambrensis,  an  ecclesiastic  to  whom 
Henry  intrusted  the  guidance  of  his  son  John,  and 
whose  visit  to  Ireland  was  principally  to  acquire  such 
information  as  might  serve  for  the  direction  of  his 
pupil,  when  he  should  come  to  take  possession  of  his 
lordship.  The  foreign  and  native  clergy  were  soon 
engaged  in  angry  controversy  concerning  the  relative 
merits  of  their  respective  establishments.  The  vir- 
tues and  miracles  of  their  national  saints  became  sub- 
jects of  fierce  and  tedious  debates.  "  Saints !"  said 
Cambrensis  to  an  Irish  prelate;  "tell  me  not  of 
saints  ; — your  whole  catalogue  contains  not  a  single 
martyr." — "Alas!"  said  the  Irishman,  "your  re- 
proach is  too  true.  My  countrymen  were  always 
too  piuus  to  dip  their  hands  in  the  blood  of  holy 


HISTORY    OF   IRELAND.  75 

men;  but  now  that  the  wicked  Normans  have  come 
among  us,  we  shall  have  martyrs  in  plenty."  This 
allusion  to  the  murder  of  Becket  silenced  Cambren- 
sis,  for  he  records  not  his  reply ;  but  he  raised  other 
questions  equally  ludicrous,  but  more  mischievous; 
which  threatened  to  add  religious  rancour  to  national 
hostility. 

As  if  Henry  had  determined  to  try  every  means  in 
his  power  for  destroying  his  new  kingdom,  he  again 
recalled  Lacy  from  the  government;  and  nominated 
in  his  place  Philip  de  Braosa,  whose  expedition  to 
Limerick  has  been  already  commemorated.  The 
brief  administration  of  the  new  deputy  was  dis- 
tinguished by  several  acts  of  outrage  and  rapacity, 
among  which  his  exactions  from  the  clergy  are  most 
forcibly  denounced  by  the  monkish  historians.  But. 
the  evils  which  Braosa  commenced  were  consum- 
mated by  a  power  superior  to  his ;  and  a  measure  from 
which  Henry  expected  the  greatest  advantage* 
proved  more  fatal  than  all  his  former  errors  together 

The  pope  readily  confirmed  Henry's  grant  of  the 
lordship  of  Ireland  to  John.  He  even  offered  the 
title  of  king  to  the  young  prince,  and  sent  him  the 
appropriate  present  of  a  coronet  of  peacock's  fea- 
thers, as  a  token  of  investiture.  Such  a  gift  would, 
in  the  present  day,  be  considered  a  bitter  satire  on 
the  folly  and  vanity  of  John ;  and  the  pope  would 
obtain  the  credit  of  a  witty  sarcasm  on  the  foppish- 
ness and  imbecility  of  the  youthful  prince :  but  the 
peacock,  in  the  middle  ages,  was  the  honoured  bird 
of  chivalry,  and  shared  with  the  ladies  in  knightly 
reverence  and  devotion.  Henry,  however,  was  not 
willing  to  encourage  the  papal  interference  any  fur- 
ther. He  sent  his  son  to  Ireland  without  any  new 
title,  accompanied  by  a  train  of  young  nobles,  and  a 
few  more  steady  counsellors,  whose  influence  he 
hoped  would  check  the  presumption  of  the  youthful 
prince  and  his  wild  associates.  When  the  news  of 
John's  landing  in  Waterford  was  spread  abroad,  the 


78  HISTORY    OF   IRELAND. 

Irish  chieftains  hastened  to  pay  their  respects  to  tne 
son  of  their  sovereign.  They  came  in  their  national 
costume,  wearing  linen  vests,  flowing  mantles,  long 
hair,  and  bushy  beards ;  objects  of  curiosity  to  the 
wise  and  aged,  but  of  unceasing  ridicule  to  the 
giddy  and  insolent  young  courtiers.  When  admitted 
to  the  prince's  presence,  they  advanced  with  dig- 
nified ease  through  the  circle,  in  order  to  salute 
their  lord  with  the  kiss  of  peace,  according  to  the 
fashion  of  their  country.  Here  they  were  rudely 
repulsed  by  the  young  Normans,  who  looked  upon 
such  a  ceremony  as  a  profanation.  Not  contented 
with  this,  the  wild  nobles  heaped  further  insults  on 
the  chieftains ;  they  plucked  their  beards,  mimicked 
their  gestures,  and  finally  thrust  them  with  violence 
from  the  presence.  "  Irishmen,"  says  an  old  Irish 
song,  "  readily  forgive  injuries,  but  insults  never." 
The  chieftains  returned  home  burning  for  revenge , 
they  detailed  the  story  of  their  reception  to  all  whom 
they  met  coming  to  the  court ;  and  they  spread  every- 
where the  account  of  their  wrongs,  until  the  entire 
island  was  animated  by  one  sentiment  of  deadly  hate 
against  the  English  government.  Regardless  of  the 
coming  storm,  John  and  his  associates  proceeded  still 
further  to  alienate  the  affections  of  his  new  subjects 
In  defiance  of  the  privileges  which  Henry  had  granted 
to  the  maritime  towns,  the  citizens  were  loaded 
with  heavy  taxes,  to  support  the  expenditure  of  an 
extravagant  court.  The  "  men  of  iron"  who  had 
conquered  Leinster,  were  studiously  discouraged, 
and  had  reason  to  dread  that  their  estates  would  be 
wrested  from  them,  to  gratify  the  cupidity  of  the 
silken  flatterers  by  whom  the  prince  was  accompa- 
nied. About  the  same  time,  Lacy,  whose  personal 
influence  might  have  abated  these  evils,  was  murdered 
1>V  a  labourer  whom  he  had  employed  in  erecting 
a  castle.  The  news  of  his  death  was  joyfully  re- 
ceived by  the  Irish,  who  dreaded  his  abilities ;  and 
the  clergy,  attributing  it  to  the  vengeai  ;e  of  the 
Mints,  for  some  act  of  sacrilege,  contributed  not 


HISTORY    OF   IRELAND.  77 

ittle  to  make  this  event  an  additional  stimulus  to  in^ 
fcurrection. 

The  storm  at  length  burst  forth  with  fearful  vio- 
lence. News  of  disasters  poured  in  from  every  quar- 
ter ;  and  the  alarmed  prince,  having  wasted  all  his 
treasure  in  idle  pomp,  had  no  means  of  paying  the 
soldiers,  and  had  no  hold  on  the  affections  of  the 
veterans,  whom  he  had  wantonly  insulted.  Robert 
Barry  and  his  whole  troop  were  surprised  and  slain 
at  Lismore ;  the  garrison  of  Ardfinnan  seduced  into 
an  ambuscade,  and  slaughtered  by  the  Prince  of 
Limerick ;  Robert  de  la  Poer,  after  a  gallant  resist- 
ance, fell  in  Ossory;  Canton  and  Fitz-Hugh,  two 
knights  of  great  fame,  met  a  similar  fate ;  and,  but 
for  the  gallantry  of  Fitz- Walter,  Cork  must  have 
yielded  to  MacArthy  of  Desmond.  Even  in  Meath, 
which  the  castles  erected  by  Lacy  rendered  the  most 
secure  part  of  the  English  settlements,  William  Petit 
had  great  difficulty  in  repelling  a  dancrerous  inroad 
of  the  northern  Irish. 

Eight  months  of  disorder  had  elapsed  before 
Henry  was  fully  informed  of  the  ruin  which  threat- 
ened his  Irish  interests.  He  immediately  determined 
to  recall  John  from  a  government  which  he  had  so 
wantonly  abused,  and  to  intrust  the  administration 
to  De  Courcy,  whose  desperate  valour  seemed  the 
best  qualification  in  this  moment  of  danger.  The 
young  prince  and  his  gaudy  tiain  gladly  quitted  a 
country  where  their  personal  safety  was  no  longer 
secure ;  and  the  defence  of  the  English  interests  was 
again  confided  to  the  old  settlers. 

De  Courcy,  left  to  his  own  resources,  acted  with 
all  the  vigour  which  the  crisis  demanded.  He  was 
ably  seconded  by  ycung  Lacy ;  but  he  derived  more 
important  assistance  from  the  dissensions  of  the  Irish 
themselves,  who,  even  at  this  most  important  mo- 
ment, renewed  the  feuds  which  had  previously  proved 
their  ruin  The  northern  chieftains  engaged  in 
civil  war,  and  allowed  the  English  to  recover  theif 


78  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

lost  ground  without  interruption.  In  Connaught, 
Roderick,  being  deposed  by  his  sons,  retired  into  the 
monastery  of  Cong,  where  he  ended  his  unfortunate 
career;  and  the  nominal  sovereignty  of  Ireland,  now 
the  very  shadow  of  a  shade,  became  the  subject  of  a 
violent  contest  between  the  chieftains  of  the  west  and 
north.  Still  De  Courcy  was  unable  to  surmount 
all  the  difficulties  by  which  he  was  surrounded.  He 
attempted  to  invade  Connaught,  but  was  compelled 
to  retire  before  two  armies,  each  far  superior  to  his 
own.  The  ability  with  which  he  extricated  his  army 
was  more  honourable  than  any  triumph ;  but  the  Irish 
magnified  this  slight  advantage  into  a  glorious  vic- 
tory, and  boasted  that  they  would  now  drive  the 
foreigners  from  their  shores.  A  combined  effort  foi 
the  purpose  would  probably  have  succeeded ;  but 
this  was  prevented  by  the  private  feuds  of  the  chief- 
tains, and  the  vacillation  of  the  superior  leaders,  who 
made  war  and  peace  on  the  impulse  of  the  moment, 
and  could  never  be  persuaded  to  adopt  any  steady 
policy.  Several  desultory  incursions  were  repelled 
by  the  deputy;  but  the  ravages  were  renewed  at 
every  fresh  opportunity,  and  the  country  remained 
distracted  and  desolate.  Affairs  were  in  this  wretched 
condition,  when  the  news  arrived  of  Henry's 
death,  and  the  accession  of  his  son  Richard  (1189). 


CHAPTER  V. 

The  Rfigtis  of  Richard  /.,  John,  and  Henry  III. 

THE  state  of  Ireland  at  the  time  of  Henry's  death 
was  wretched  ;  and  unhappily  there  was  even'  pros 
pert  that  the  evils  by  which  the  country  was  afflicted 
would  increase,  rather  than  diminish.  Every  party 
that  had  shared  in  forming  the  connexion  between 
the  two  islands  was  equally  dissatisfied  and  disap 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  79 

pointed.  The  pope  found  that  his  claims  for  tribute 
were  disregarded ;  the  clergy  found  that  tithes, 
the  great  bribe  for  which  they  had  sold  themselves 
to  the  foreigners,  could  not  be  obtained  from  the 
Irish,  unused  to  such  exactions,  nor  from  the  new 
settlers,  who  set  all  laws  at  defiance  ;  the  king  found 
his  sovereignty  an  empty  title  ;  the  barons,  poor  and 
rapacious,  were  eager  to  make  new  territorial  acqui- 
sitions: and  the  Irish  toparchs,  jealous  of  the  for- 
eigners and  of  each  other,  would  neither  preserve 
peace  nor  wage  war  effectively.  The  clergy,  how- 
ever, were  fixed  in  their  determination  to  support  the 
English  ascendency.  They  dreaded  nothing  so  much 
as  a  return  to  the  piety  and  poverty  of  the  Irish  na- 
tional church  ;  they  felt  themselves  elevated,  by  their 
connexion  with  Rome,  to  the  state  and  dignity  of 
princes  ;  and,  conscious  that  their  privileges  would 
be  lost  if  their  country  attained  independence,  they 
zealously  preached  the  doctrine  of  submission  to 
Rome  and  England.  But  the  papal  authority,  which 
afterward  proved  a  potent  instrument  of  rebellion, 
was  of  little  avail  in  enforcing  obedience.  Indeed 
it  was  at  this  time,  and  for  many  subsequent  years, 
almost  wholly  disregarded  in  Ireland ;  a  portion  of 
the  native  clergy  still  clinging  to  the  usages  of  their 
ancestors,  and  the  laity  in  general  paying  little  at- 
tention to  claims  of  supremacy  which  they  could  not 
understand. 

Richard,  on  his  accession  to  the  throne,  was  too 
much  busied  in  preparations  for  his  romantic  expe- 
dition against  the  Saracens  of  Palestine  to  pay  any 
attention  to  Ireland.  He  allowed  his  brother  John, 
as  lord  of  the  country,  to  exercise  all  the  regal  func- 
tions ;  and  in  his  name  all  charters  were  granted,  and 
deputies  appointed.  John's  first  act  was  to  remove 
De  Courcy  from  the  government,  which  was  now 
intrusted  to  Hugh  de  Lacy.  The  deposed  deputy 
immediately  retired  to  his  estates  in  Ulster,  without 
attempting  to  conceal  his  hostility  to  his  successor; 


80  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

and  this  dissension  between  the  two  greatest  Norman 
leaders  encouraged  the  Irish  to  renew  their  attack* 
on  the  foreigners. 

The  throne  of  Connaught  was  at  this  time  pos- 
sessed by  Oathal,  to  whom  his  countrymen  gave  the 
epithet  of  Bloody-handed.  He  owed  his  election 
to  intrigue  and  violence,  and  was  conscious  that 
his  sovereignty  could  only  be  secured  by  spirit  and 
activity.  Taking  advantage  of  the  hatred  generally 
incurred  by  the  Normans,  he  declared  himself  re- 
solved to  restore  the  ancient  honours  of  his  name 
and  nation;  and  he  denounced  speedy  and  fearful 
vengeance  on  the  foreigners,  who  had  usurped  the 
fairest  portions  of  the  land,  and  were  still  extending 
their  ravages  and  oppressions.  All  the  toparchs  ap- 
plauded these  sentiments;  the  chieftains  of  Thomond 
and  Desmond  hastened  to  express  their  concurrence ; 
and  the  tribes  of  Ulster  sent  messengers  to  offer  their 
assistance.  De  Courcy  saw  the  coming  storm,  and 
sent  to  summon  his  brave  friend  Armoric  of  St.  Lau- 
rence to  his  assistance.  Armoric,  collecting  a  little 
troop  of  about  two  hundred  foot  and  thirty  horse, 
hasted  to  obey  his  leader's  summons  ;  but,  passing 
through  part  of  Cathal's  country,  he  fell  into  an  am- 
buscade, and,  overwhelmed  by  numbers,  perished, 
with  all  his  companions. 

The  news  of  fresh  disturbances  in  Ireland  induced 
John  to  confer  the  government  on  William  Petit,  and, 
soon  after,  on  William  Earl  Marshal,  who  had  mar- 
ried the  daughter  of  Earl  Stronsjbow,  and  in  her  right 
possessed  extensive  estates  in  Ireland.  Lacy  re- 
signed his  power  with  great  reluctance,  and,  retiring 
to  his  estate,  imitated  the  example  of  De  Courcy, 
and  almost  affected  independence.  The  Earl  Mar- 
shal exerted  himself  to  retrieve  the  English  interests 
in  Munster ;  and,  though  defeated  by  the  Prince  of 
Thomond  near  Thurles,  he  penetrated  into  the  very 
heart  of  the  country.  These  successes,  however, 
were  sullied  by  the  most  shocking  cruelties.  One  of 
O'Brien's  children  was  blinded,  and  another  dragged 


HISTORY   OF   IRELAND.  81 

from  the  very  altar,  and  remorselessly  murdered. 
Such  atrocities  provoked  revenge,  but  did  not  inspire 
fear.  Cathal  hastened  to  relieve  his  allies;  and  the 
Knglish,  on  his  approach,  were  forced  to  a  precipi- 
tate retreat.  Soon  after,  Limerick  was  captured  by 
the  Prince  of  Desmond ;  and  Catha.,  being- joined  by 
O'Lochlan,  the  head  of  the  powerful  sept  of  Hy-Nial, 
advanced  to  the  siege  of  Cork,  the  only  post  of 
strength  now  remaining  to  the  English  in"  Munster. 
The  army  sent  to  the  relief  of  this  important  post 
was  totally  defeated ;  but  the  fate  of  the  place  was 
lelayed  for  a  time  by  a  renewal  of  the  ancient  feud 
between  the  rival  houses  of  O'Connor  and  Hy-Nial. 
The  siege  was  raised ;  but  the  garrison,  having  ex- 
hausted all  their  provisions,  and  being  hopeless  of 
relief,  surrendered  to  the  Prince  of  Desmond. 

A.  D.  1197. — Hano  de  Valois  was  the  next  go- 
vernor. He  found  a  ruined  army,  and  an  empty 
exchequer;  and  to  relieve  the  pressing  necessities  of 
the  state,  he  unscrupulously  seized  some  of  the 
estates  of  the  church.  Comyn,  the  archbishop,  was 
by  no  means  disposed  to  submit  patiently  to  such  a 
proceeding,  and  immediately  had  recourse  to  those 
spiritual  weapons  which,  in  that  age,  possessed  such 
wondrous  efficacy.  He  went  in  solemn  procession 
to  the  cathedral,  and  ostentatiously  removed  all  the 
apparatus  of  public  service.  The  crucifixes  weie 
laid  prostrate;  the  image  of  Christ  crowned  with 
thorns,  as  if  the  agony  of  the  passion  was  renewed 
by  this  attack  on  ecclesiastical  property;  and  after 
this  solemn  farce,  the  prelate,  having  laid  his  dio- 
cess  under  an  interdict,  departed  from  the  kingdom. 
The  rest  of  this  extraordinary  contest  is  involved  in 
obscurity.  We  only  know,  that  after  the  lapse  of 
several  years,  Hano  felt  remorse  for  having  injured 
the  church,  and  made  a  large  grant  of  land  to  the 
•ee  of  Dublin  as  an  atonement  for  his  offence. 

A.  D.  1198. — Twelve  years  had  passed  since  the 
unfortunate  Roderick  had  been  confined  by  his 


82  HISTORl    OF   IRELAND. 

rebellious  children  in  the  monastery  of  Cong,  and 
during1  that  period  his  family  had  been  gradually 
wasted  by  civil  discord  and  mutual  murder.  His 
death  was  regarded  as  a  matter  of  little,  moment, 
and  the  last  monarch  of  Ireland  was  consigned  to 
the  tomb  with  as  little  noise  as  the  meanest  of  his 
vassals.  In  the  following  year  King  Richard  died, 
and  the  throne  of  England  was  usurped  by  John,  in 
defiance  of  the  rights  of  his  nephew  Arthur;  the 
ordship  of  Ireland  was  thus  reunited  to  the  crown 
of  England,  and  it  was  expected  that  the  royal  au- 
thority would  consequently  command  more  respect 
than  it  had  hitherto  received.  The  war  with  France, 
the  discontent  of  the  barons,  and  the  claim  of  Arthur 
allowed  John  little  leisure  for  regulating  the  affairs 
of  Ireland;  and  the  pacification  of  the  country 
seemed  as  far  off  as  ever. 

De  Valois  by  his  exactions  provoked  the  resent- 
ment of  the  clergy  and  the  laity.  Urgent  petitions 
for  his  removal  were  sent  to  the  king,  and  John 
summoned  him  to  appear  and  plead  to  the  charges 
urged  against  him.  His  defence  was  deemed  un- 
satisfactory, and  he  was  forced  to  pay  a  fine  of  a 
thousand  marks  to  the  king;  but  when  this  was  paid, 
he  was  allowed  to  escape  without  making  restitution 
to  those  he  had  plundered.  Meiler  Fitz-Henry,  one 
of  the  original  invaders,  was  appointed  his  successor; 
and  at  the  same  time  John  confirmed  the  grant  of 
lands  in  Thomond  to  Philip  de  Braosa,  and  assigned 
their  custody  to  De  Burgho,  one  of  the  Fitz-Andelm 
family  which  had  formerly  been  gifted  with  lands 
in  Connaught.  De  Burgho  was  not  a  man  disposed 
to  lose  so  rich  a  grant  by  negligence.  He  set  out 
immediately  with  a  gallant  train,  and  exerted  himself 
with  such  extraordinary  vigour,  that  he  soon  obtained 
possession  of  Limerick,  and  established  there  a  power 
which  threatened  the  independence  of  Minister  and 
Connaught.  The  affairs  of  the  latter  province  were 
HOW  in  a  state  favourable  to  his  designs;  the  popu 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  83 

larity  of  Cathal  O'Connor  had  declined  as  rapidly  as 
it  rose  ;  and  a  strong  party  was  formed  to  raise  his 
cousin  Carragh  to  the  throne.  The  aspiring  Car- 
ragh  solicited  and  obtained  the  assistance  of  De 
Burgho.  By  his  aid  Cathal  was  dethroned,  after  a 
brief  and  faint  resistance.  He  fled  to  Ulster,  and  a 
large  share  of  his  domains  were  assigned  to  De 
Burgho  for  his  timely  aid.  Cathal  had  sufficient 
influence  with  the  northern  chieftains  to  obtain  from 
them  a  powerful  army.  He  even  contrived  to  gain 
the  support  of  Lacy  and  De  Courcy ;  and  thus,  for 
the  first  time,  the  Norman  barons  were  divided 
against  each  other.  Carragh  and  De  Burgho  de- 
feated Cathal  and  his  allies  in  a  desperate  engage- 
ment. The  northern  septs  attributed  the  calamity 
to  the  incapacity  of  their  prince,  whom  they  imme 
diately  deposed;  and  Ulster,  like  ConnaugLt,  was  of 
course  distracted  by  all  the  evils  of  a  disputed  suc- 
cession. Cathal  did  not  yet  despair  of  success.  He 
solicited  the  friendship  of  De  Burgho,  who  felt  dis- 
satisfied with  the  small  reward  given  him  by  the 
usurper,  and  drew  him  over  to  his  side  by  magnificent 
promises,  which  he  had  no  intention  to  fulfil.  A 
second  revolution  ensued,  in  which  Carragh  was 
slain,  fighting  bravely  to  the  last.  Cuthal  was  re- 
stored to  his  throne ;  but  De  Burgho  found  that  the 
valuable  cessions  which  he  expected  were  not  to  be 
obtained.  Stung  by  this  falsehood  and  ingratitude, 
the  proud  baron  invaded  Connaught,  but  suffered  a 
defeat ;  and,  before  he  could  take  measures  to  re- 
trieve his  fortunes,  he  was  recalled  to  Limerick  by 
the  appearance  of  a  more  formidable  enemy.  The 
lord-deputy,  finding  that  De  Burgho  had  virtually 
renounced  his  allegiance  by  making  peace  and  war 
at  his  pleasure,  advanced  with  a  numerous  army  to 
reduce  him  to  obedience.  He  was  joined  by  several 
of  the  Irish  princes,  who  equally  feared  and  hated  the 
powerful  bliron;  and  thus  reinforced,  Meiler  Fitz- 
Henry  soon  forced  De  Bursrho  to  submission.  A! 


S4  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND 

the  same  time  new  treaties  were  formed  with  the 
Irish  princes  of  the  south  and  west,  which  for  a 
short  time  restored  tranquillity  to  that  part  of  the 
country. 

While  Fitz-Henry  was  employed  against  De 
Burgho,  Lacy  with  his  brother  marched  against  De 
Courcy,  who  was  said  to  have  abjured  allegiance  to 
John  as  a  usurper  and  murderer.  The  entire  details 
of  the  subsequent  transactions  are  unknown;  but 
the  writers  of  Irish  history  have  invented  an  in- 
genious romance,  which,  though  improbable  in  all 
its  parts,  and  contradicted  by  authentic  documents 
yet  in  existence,  has  been  gravely  narrated  by  all  the 
earlier  writers.  They  tell  us  that  De  Courcy  was 
betrayed  to  Lacy  by  his  servants ;  but  though  sur- 
prised he  made  a  fierce  resistance,  and  with  a 
wooden  cross  slew  thirteen  of  his  assailants.  Lacy 
retained  the  noble  prisoner,  but  punished  with  death 
the  traitors  who  had  sold  their  master.  De  Courcy 
was  sent  to  England,  and  confined  in  the  Tower, 
where  he  long  remained  neglected  and  forgotten.  At 
length,  a  French  champion  comes  over  in  the  train 
of  King  Philip,  and  challenges  all  the  chivalry  of 
England.  No  one  ventures  to  enter  the  lists  with  a 
knight  of  his  fame,  when  John  at  length  recollects 
the  hero  whom  he  had  so  long  confined  in  a  dungeon. 
De  Courcy  readily  agrees  to  meet  the  Frenchman. 
On  the  appointed  day  he  appears  in  the  lists;  but 
the  challenger,  terrified  by  his  Herculean  proportions, 
refuses  the  combat,  and  returns  home  in  disgrace. 
To  gratify  the  curiosity  of  the  two  monarchs,  De 
Courcy  orders  a  coat-of-mail  to  be  placed  on  a  post 
driven  firmly  into  the  eart.li.  He  strikes  it  with  his 
sword,  divides  the  mail  as  it,  were  gossamer-threads, 
and  drives  the  sword  so  deep  into  the  stake,  that  it 
<-an  be  extricated  by  him  alone.  Hereupon  he  is 
restored  to  the  royal  favour,  and  reinstated  in  his 
title  and  estates.  He  is  offered  any  additional  favour 
that  he  may  desire ;  and  asks  and  obtains,  for  himself 


HISTOUY    OF    IRELAND.  85 

and  his  descendants,  the  privilege  of  remaining  cov- 
ered in  the  presence  of  their  sovereign. 

The  only  portion  of  truth  in  the  entire  legend  is, 
that  De  C..urcy  was  sent  a  prisoner  to  England. 
John  and  the  King  of  France  never  presided  in  the 
same  lists ;  and  the  restoration  to  the  royal  favour 
is  manifestly  false,  because  the  earldom  of  Ulster, 
and  all  the  lands  belonging  to  it,  were  granted  to 
Hugh  De  Lacy ;  and  the  privilege  of  wearing  a  hat 
in  the  royal  presence,  enjoyed  by  the  barons  of  Kin- 
sale,  De  Courcy's  descendants,  is  a  harmless  privi- 
lege, originating  nobody  knows  how,  and  few  would 
care  for  ascertaining.  It  is  justly  remarked  by  Le- 
land,  that  this  instance  of  the  falsification  of  history 
by  the  Irish  sennachies,  fully  justifies  the  skepticism 
with  which  their  boasts  of  extravagant  antiquity  and 
early  civilization  are  icceived ;  for  the  earlier  the  date 
assigned  to  their  legends,  the  more  difficult  will  be 
their  detection. 

The  vigorous  administration  of  Fitz-Henry  released 
the  English  settlers  fiom  the  imminent  dangers 
with  which  they  were  threatened.  Cork  was  reco- 
vered and  secured  by  new  fortifications;  the  in- 
cursions of  the  northern  septs  were  restrained  by 
castles  erected  along  their  frontiers ;  and  the  toparchs 
of  Desmond  and  Thomond  were  either  terrified  into 
submission,  or  so  engaged  in  domestic  feuds  that  they 
had  no  inclination  to  renew  their  attacks  on  the  for- 
eigners. At  this  tranquil  moment  John  resolved  to 
pay  Ireland  a  visit,  for  the  purpose  of  chastising 
Braosa — by  whose  wife  he  had  been  insulted — and 
restraining  the  power  of  the  Lacys,  who,  by  John's 
injudicious  grants,  had  been  raised  almost  to  the  rank 
of  princes  (A.  D.  1210).  On  the  king's  arrival  in 
Dublin,  Braosa  and  the  Lacys  fled  to  France,  where 
the  latter  were  reduced  to  such  distress,  that  they 
could  only  support  themselves  by  becoming  gardeners 
in  a  monastery.  Their  dignified  bearing  after  some 
lime  betrayed  their  rank  to  the  abbot ;  and,  having 


96  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

learned  their  history,  he  interceded  so  powerfully  for 
them  with  John,  that,  on  paying  a  heavy  fine,  they 
were  eventually  restored  to  their  titles  and  estates. 
John's  military  operations  were  confined  to  the  re- 
duction of  several  castles  belonging  to  the  Lacys  in 
Month ;  and,  though  he  received  the  homage  of 
several  Irish  princes,  he  did  not  in  any  instance  extend 
the  bounds  of  the  English  dominion.  The  allegiance 
tendered  by  the  toparchs  was  merely  nominal ;  and 
one  of  them,  the  chief  of  the  Hy-Nials,  set  the  king 
at  defiance  a  few  days  after  he  had  performed  the 
idle  ceremony  of  submission.  There  was,  however, 
a  beneficial  change  made  by  the  introduction  of  the 
English  laws  and  jurisprudence  into  those  districts 
which  the  Anglo-Normans  possessed,  and  which, 
from  this  time  forward,  were  usually  called  the  Eng- 
lish Pale ;  the  lands  subject  to  the  king  were  divided 
into  counties ;  sheriffs  and  other  officers  necessary 
to  the  administration  of  justice  appointed;  and  su- 
preme courts  of  law  established  in  Dublin.  The 
twelve  counties  established  by  John  were,  Dublin, 
Meath,  Argial  now  (tailed  Louth,  Kildare,  Katherlagh 
now  Carlow,  Kilkenny,  Waterford,  Wexford,  Cork, 
Kerry,  Limerick,  Tipperary.  To  these  were  sub- 
sequently added  Koscommon  and  Connaught,  but  at 
what  period  is  uncertain. 

After  John's  return  to  England,  the  administration 
was  confined  to  John  de  Grey,  Bishop  of  Norwich, 
who  kept  Ireland  tranquil  during  the  remainder  of 
this  troubled  and  disgraceful  rrign.  We  find  that 
several  Irish  nobles  and  prelates  shared  in  John's 
councils  during  his  long  contest  with  the  pope,  and 
afterward  with  his  own  -subjects.  Among  these, 
Henry  de  Londres,  who  had  succeeded  Comyn  as 
Archbishop  of  Dublin  in  12'3,  was  honourably  con- 
spicuous, by  his  opposition  to  the  insolent  demands 
of  Pandulph  the  papal  legate,  and  by  the  indignant 
remonstrance  he  made  against  the  humiliating  sub- 
missions demanded  from  his  sovereign.  The  powei 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  87 

»f  the  native  Irish  princes  seemed  rapidly  declining, 
The  northern  sept  of  Hy-Nial,  indeed,  still  main- 
tained their  independence  and  their  inveterate  hos- 
tility to  the  foreign  dynasty;  but  Cathal  O'Connor, 
no  longer  able  to  resist  De  Burgho  in  the  field,  was 
forced  to  petition  the  British  monarch  for  protection, 
and  to  exchange  his  character  as  a  warrior  for  that  of 
a  suppliant.  The  toparchs  of  Thomond  and  Des- 
mond were  similarly  humbled ;  and,  had  proper  ad- 
vantage been  taken  of  the  opportunity,  Ireland  might 
at  this  time  have  been,  without  difficulty,  entirely 
subjected  to  the  English  dominion. 

The  early  part  of  the  reign  of  Henry  III.  was  dis- 
tinguished by  several  wise  measures,  which  tended 
greatly  to  remedy  the  evils  produced  by  the  mis- 
government  of  John,  both  in  England  and  Ireland. 
William  Earl  of  Pembroke  and  Earl  Marshal,  the 
young  monarch's  guardian  during  his  minority,  was 
possessed  of  extensive  estates  in  both  islands,  and 
set  an  example,  rarely  followed  by  English  statesmen 
and  Irish  proprietors,  of  paying  equal  regard  to  the 
interests  of  both  countries.  The  great  charter  was 
confirmed,  and  its  provisions  extended  to  Ireland ;  the 
administration  of  the  local  government  intrusted  to 
Geoffrey  de  Maurisco,  a  knight  celebrated  for  mili- 
tary skill;  and  with  him  was  joined  Henry  de  Lon- 
dres,  a  prelate  still  more  eminent  for  political  wisdom. 
The  reconciliation  of  the  native  Irish  to  the  dominion 
of  their  invaders  was  the  best  evidence  of  the  supe- 
rior ability  that  now  ruled  the  councils  of  the  state; 
and  so  completely  had  they  resigned  all  hopes  of  in- 
dependence, that  they  petitioned  the  king  to  send  one 
of  the  royal  family  to  rule  in  Ireland,  in  order  that 
his  lustre  might  obscure  the  disgrace  of  submission, 
and  the  respect  due  to  royal  blood  might  control  the 
turbulence  of  the  powerful  barons.  Unfortunately 
this  request  was  rejected.  The  death  of  the  Earl  of 
Pembroke  followed  soon  after;  his  policy  died  with 


88  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

him;  and  Ireland  entered  on  a  new  careei  of  dis 
traction,  and  suffering,  and  desolation. 

A.  D.  1219.— Immediately  after  his  father's  dead  . 
William,  the  young  Earl  of  Pembroke,  was  suddenl) 
called   into   Ireland,  to  check  the   inroads  of  the 
Lucys,  who  had  attacked  his  castles,  and  determined 
to  seize  his  estates.     While  this  struggle  devastated 
Leinster,  the  lord-deputy  was  engaged  in  war  with 
the  MacArthys  of  Desmond,  and  the  De  Burghos 
were  involved  in  a  fierce  struggle  with  the  O'Con- 
nors of  Connaught.     After  a  bloody  but  desultory 
warfare,  the  Lacys  were  defeated,  and  the  Princes  of 
Desmond  forced  to  submission.     The  De  Burghos, 
however,  were  defeated  in  Connaught;  and  Fedlim 
O'Connor,  taking  advantage  of  the  disgrace  of  Hu- 
bert de  Burgho  in  England,  not  only  obtained  from 
Henry  a  confirmation  of  his  title  and  possessions, 
but  a  mandate  to  the  Lord-deputy  Maurice  Fitz-Gerald 
to  assist  in  restraining  his  enemy's  usurpations.     On 
the  death  of  William  Earl  of  Pembroke,  his  title 
and   estates  devolved  on    his  brother  Richard,   a 
popular  young  nobleman,  odious  to  the  king  and  his 
unworthy  favourites,  on  account  of  his  spirited  resist- 
ance to  their  unwise  and  arbitrary  measures.     Under 
the  most  frivolous  pretexts,  an  attempt  was  made  to 
strip  him  of  his  inheritance;  and  he,  provoked  by 
such  outrage,  had  recourse  to  arms.     He  levied  some 
forces  in  Ireland;  and,  returning  to  Wales,  fortified 
himself  in  his  castle  of  Pembroke.     The  royal  forces 
sent  against  him  were  defeated  ;  and  the  unpopularity 
of  the  ministry  rendered  it  probable  that  this  example 
of  successful  resistance  would  lead  tu  a  general  insur- 
rection.    The  king  and  his  creatures,  unable  to  sub- 
due Earl  Richard,  determined  to  deprive  him  of  his 
Irish  estates,  and  sent  over  letters  declaring  his  ex- 
tensive possessions  forfeited,  and  ordering  them  to  be 
shared   between   Maurice  Fitz-Gerald    the  lord-de- 
puty,  the  Lacys,  the  De  Burghos,  Geoffrey  de  Mau- 
haco,  and  some  other  barons.     Such  an  allurement 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  89 

was  not  to  be  resisted  by  the  avaricious  adventurers. 
They  immediately  proceeded  to  take  possession; 
and,  just  as  tranquillity  was  restored  in  Wales,  Earl 
Richard  was  recalled  to  the  defence  of  his  estates 
in  Ireland.     On  his  landing-,  he  was  joined  by  the 
treacherous  De  Maurisco,  who  pretended  to  aid  his 
quarrel,  in  order  to  ensure  his  destruction.     Several 
successful  expeditions  were  undertaken ;  but  at  the 
moment  when   the  earl  was  about  to  engage  his 
enemies  in  a  pitched  battle,  De  Maurisco  drew  off 
his  forces,  and  Richard  was  left  with  only  fifteen 
followers  to  support  the  attack  of  one  hundred  and 
forty  chosen  men.     Even  under  these  circumstances, 
the  gallant  earl  disdained  to  yield.     His  followers, 
with  equal  spirit,  shunned  not  the  hopeless  contest. 
They  fell,  overwhelmed  by  numbers ;  and  Richard, 
having-  fallen  senseless  by  a  dagger-wound,  was  car- 
ried to  a  neighbouring  castle,  where  he  soon  expired. 
The  death  of  this  heroic  and  popular  nobleman 
excited  universal  indignation,  both  in  England  and 
Ireland ;  and  the  king,  with  dissimulation  equal  to 
his  former  perfidy,  disavowed  all  knowledge  of  the 
transaction,  and  threw  the  blame  on  the  Bishop  of 
Winchester.     But  he  did  not  check  the  depredations 
committed  on  the  estates  of  the  deceased  earl,  nor 
restore  his  inheritance  to  his  brother  Gilbert,  until 
compelled  by  fear  of  the  King  of  Scotland,  whose 
sister  Gilbert  had  married.     At  length,  a  hollow  pa- 
cification was  effected  ;  Gilbert  was  allowed  to  enjoy 
his  estates  without  interruption;  and  Fitz-Gerald  pur- 
chased pardon  for  the  destruction  of  Earl  Richard, 
by  founding  a  monastery  where  masses  should  be 
celebrated  periodically  for  the  repose  of  his  soul. 
About  the  same  time,  Fedlim  O'Connor  appeared  at 
court,   to  complain   of  the    usurpation   of  the  De 
Burghos,  who  steadily  pursued  their  career  of  vio- 
"MICC   and  extortion.     Moved   by  a  dread  of  this 
p>  Jud  and  powerful  sept,  perhaps  also  in  some  degren 
influenced  by  a  sense  of  justice,  Henry  sent  strict 
I.— G 


90  HISTORY   OF    IRELAND. 

orders  that  the  territories  of  O'Connor  should  b« 
protected  from  further  depredations.  In  return  for 
this  unusual  act  of  equity,  Fedlim  led  a  strong  body 
of  a  jxiliaries  to  the  king's  assistance  in  the  Welsh 
war,  and  performed  good  service  against  Princt 
David. 

The  rest  of  this  troubled  reign  presents  an  unvary- 
ing scene  of  petty  wars,  produced  by  baronial  usurp- 
ations. The  Geraldines  seized  on  several  districts 
of  Desmond,  in  spite  of  the  resistance  made  by  the 
powerful  sept  of  the  MacArthys.  The  De  Buighos, 
with  less  success,  endeavoured  to  make  themselves 
masters  of  Connaught ;  and  the  inferior  barons, 
equally  bent  on  aggrandizement,  seized  on  the  lands 
of  those  toparchs  who  were  too  weak  to  make 
effective  resistance.  So  little  was  the  royal  author- 
ity respected,  that  the  Geraldines  seized  and  im- 
prisoned a  lord-deputy  for  opposing  their  usurpations; 
and  it  was  not  without  difficulty  that  they  were  per- 
suaded to  set  him  at  liberty.  The  barons  were  at 
war,  not  only  with  the  natives,  but  with  each  other; 
and  the  devastations  committed  in  their  several  ex- 
peditions, added  to  the  failures  of  several  successive 
harvests,  reduced  the  wretched  country  to  a  state 
which  the  imagination  may  possibly  conceive,  but 
which  no  human  pen  can  portray. 

The  miseiies  of  this  calamitous  period  were  Ag- 
gravated by  the  extortions  of  the  pope  and  th» 
tyranny  of  the  clergy.  The  royal  troops  were  em- 
ployed in  levying  the  tribute  claimed  by  his  holiness  ; 
and  the  enormous  demands  of  the  king  were  in  turn 
sanctioned  by  the  pope.  Efforts  were  made  by  both 
to  fill  all  valuable  ecclesiastical  offices  with  foreign- 
ers. The  native  clergy  made  a  spirited  resistance; 
b'.it  the  powers  against  which  they  had  to  strive 
were  too  forini:!aHr.  Their  real  strength,  the  con- 
fiil'p.cc  M!"  !'<!•>  '•  •'•••!'.  h;'.|  b<"'M  destroyed  forever 
fit  the  crnr.c'I  •>!  '.  "  •':'  !.  i\'rr  was  the  conduct  ol 
the  ii!-';  •••  '  '  "••'•<  'li  l-i-Mi-r  than  that  of  their  np- 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  91 

pressors.  The  records  of  the  period,  scanty  as  they 
are,  contain  several  instances  of  prelatic  rapacity 
and  insolence,  which  would  scarcely  be  credible, 
"MM-e  they  not  supported  by  the  authority  of  official 
documents,  and  in  perfect  accordance  with  the  spirit 
manifested  by  the  church  in  that  misguided  age. 

The  administration  of  justice  was  almost  wholly 
neglected;  and,  thougli  repeated  proclamations  were 
issued,  commanding  the  observance  of  the  English 
laws  and  charters  under  the  severest  penalties,  we 
find  that  they  were  all  ineffectual;  and  that  a  man- 
date was  obliged  to  be  issued,  entreating,  rather  than 
commanding,  the  barons,  that  for  the  sake  of  public 
tranquillity  they  would  permit  the  country  to  be 
governed  by  the  laws  of  England.  The  Irish  still 
preserved  their  Brehon  code  ;  and,  in  a  curious  re- 
monstrance of  Fedlim  O'Connor  to  King  Henry,  we 
find,  among  other  claims  of  damages  for  the  cruelties 
and  robberies  of  De  Burgho,  a  charge  of  three  thou- 
sand marks  for  the  burning  of  churches  and  the 
massacre  of  the  clergy.  Several  of  the  native  Irish, 
in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  Pale,  finding  the  in- 
convenience of  this  motley  mixture  of  jurisdiction, 
purchased  charters  of  denization,  by  which  they  be 
came  entitled  to  the  benefits  of  English  subjects, 
but  the  barons  vigorously  opposed  the  extension  of 
such  privileges,  and  the  English  government  had  not 
sufficient  strength  to  overcome  their  resistance. 

In  the  latter  part  of  his  reign,  Henry  invested  his 
son  Edward  with  the  title  of  Lord  of  Ireland ;  but 
the  young  prince  never  visited  the  country.  The 
barons  disregarded  his  authority;  and,  after  his 
departure  to  the  o-nsades,  his  title  v.T2s  utterly  neg- 
lected. 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND 


CHAPTER  VI. 

The  Reigns  of  Edward  I.,  II.,  and  III. 

A.  D.  1272. — THE  accession  of  Edward  I.  pro. 
duced  no  beneficial  change  in  the  state  of  Ireland. 
The  Geraldines,  now  become  the  most  powerful  of 
the  Norman  barons,  waged  incessant  wars  both  on 
the  native  princes  and  their  rival  peers,  in  order  to 
extend  their  influence  and  possessions  ;  and  the  mar- 
riage of  the  young  Lord  de  Clare  to  a  daughter  of 
their  house,  promised  them  the  means  of  gratifying 
their  ambition.  Edward  inconsiderately  gave  De 
Clare  a  grant  of  extensive  domains  in  Thomond, 
without  paying  any  regard  to  the  rights  of  the  native 
possessors ;  but  when  De  Clare  came  to  enforce  his 
claims,  the  O'Briens  laughed  him  to  scorn,  and  he 
was  forced  to  have  recourse  to  arms.  Aided  by  his 
father-in-law  Maurice,  De  Clare  invaded  Thomond  ; 
but  was  completely  defeated,  and  obliged  to  accept 
peace  on  the  most  mortifying  conditions.  De  Clare 
returned  to  England,  and  laid  his  complaints  before 
the  king;  at  the  same  time  intelligence  of  fresh 
commotions  in  various  districts  was  received  ;  and 
Edward,  justly  indignant,  recalled  Uffbrd,  the  lord- 
deputy.  But  the  troubles  in  Scotland  began  now  to 
engross  all  the  attention  of  the  English  monarch ; 
and,  after  a  brief  inquiry,  he  restored  Ufford  to  his 
government,  having  recommended  him  to  exert  ali 
his  vigour  in  repressing  these  disgraceful  commo- 
tions. 

A  century  had  now  elapsed  since  the  Norman  in- 
rasion ;  repeated  defeats  had  broken  down  the  spirit 
of  the  Irish  princes ;  all  hopes  of  repelling  the  for 


HISTORY   OF    IRELAND.  93 

eigners  were  resigned  ;  and  those  who  lay  contigu- 
ous to  the  English  settlements  were  only  eager  to 
secure  the  protection  of  the  English  law.  To  obtain 
this  valuable  privilege,  they  offered  to  the  king, 
through  his  deputy,  a  subsidy  of  eight  thousand 
marks,  on  condition  of  being  admitted  to  the  rights 
of  British  subjects;  and  Edward,  vvho  was  attached 
to  justice  when  it  did  riot  interfere  with  the  schemes 
of  his  ambition,  eagerly  hastened  to  perform  their 
reasonable  request.  In  this,  as  in  a  thousand  subse- 
quent instances,  the  wise  and  benevolent  measures 
of  the  government  were  defeated  by  the  local  aris 
tocracy.  They  preferred  their  own  ascendency  to 
the  interests  of  the  state.  They  were  eager  to  pre- 
vent a  body  of  men  whom  they  could  tax  and  op- 
press at  pleasure  from  sharing  in  the  immunities 
of  English  subjects.  Exclusion  was  the  first  and 
almost  the  only  principle  recognised  by  the  different 
oligarchies  which  successively  held  under  their  con- 
trol the  destinies  of  Ireland ;  and  to  preserve  this 
darling  principle,  they  unhesitatingly  sacrificed  the 
peace  and  prosperity  of  that  country,  and  not  unfre- 
quently  perilled  its  connexion  with  England.  An 
evasive  answer  was  returned  to  the  royal  mandate; 
but  the  sufferings  of  the  people  urged  them  to  re- 
newed applications,  and  two  years  after  they  re- 
peated their  request.  On  this  occasion,  the  king 
earnestly  recommended  the  consideration  of  the  pe- 
tition to  the  lords  spiritual  and  temporal  of  Ireland; 
but  both  were  too  deeply  interested  in  perpetuating 
abuses,  and  Edward's  wise  designs  were  again  de- 
feated. 

The  civil  wars  between  the  barons  were  soon  re- 
newed with  all  their  former  violence-  They  took 
advantage  of  their  disorders,  and  laid  waste  the  new 
settlements.  The  lords-deputies  were  destitute  of 
power  or  influence,  and  the  royal  authority  was 
scarcely  recognised.  William  de  Vesey  was  sent 
over  to  remedy  these  disorders ;  but  unfortunately 


94  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

he  became  involved  in  a  contest  with  the  Geraldines, 
which  ended  in  his  ruin.  A  more  vigorous  and  suc- 
cessful effort  was  made  by  his  successor  Sir  John 
Wogan.  He  prevailed  on  the  rival  houses  of  De 
Burgho  and  Fitz-Gerald  to  consent  to  a  truce ;  and 
having  thus  partially  restored  tranquillity,  he  sum- 
moned a  parliament  to  take  the  public  grievances 
into  consideration  (A.  D.  1295).  Several  judicious 
acts  were  made  by  this  assembly,  the  first  that  ap- 
pears to  have  been  constitutionally  convened  in  lie- 
land  ;  but  the  general  corruption  of  morals  could  not 
be  cured  by  legislative  enactments ;  and  though 
peace  was  so  far  restored  that  several  Irish  barons 
were  enabled  to  attend  Edward  in  his  wars  against 
Scotland,  hostilities  were  continued  by  their  follow- 
ers, a/id  their  settlements  devastated  during  their  ab- 
sence. 

The  death  of  Edward  I.  while  marching  against 
the  Scotch,  and  the  pusillanimous  retreat  of  Edward 
II.,  was  followed  by  the  dispersion  of  the  army,  and 
the  Irish  nobles  returned  home.  De  Burgho,  having 
obtained  by  marriage  the  title  of  Earl  of  Ulster,  and 
the  extensive  estates  of  the  Lacys,  was  now  virtually 
the  lord  of  Ireland  ;  but  he  did  not  abuse  his  power ; 
and,  content  with  the  barbarous  pomp  of  feudalism, 
he  allowed  his  weaker  neighbours  to  remain  unmo- 
lested. The  insane  attachment  of  Edward  to  his  un- 
worthy favourite  Gavestone,  whom  he  had  recalled 
in  spite  of  the  solemn  promise  plighted  to  his  dying 
father,  gave  so  much  displeasure  to  the  English  no- 
bility, that  they  formed  an  association  too  powerful 
for  the  sovereign  to  resist,  and  compelled  the  dis- 
missal of  the  obnoxious  minister.  The  king  was 
very  reluctant  to  part  with  his  minion  ;  and  at  length 
appointed  him  governor  of  Ireland,  whence  he  might 
be  recalled  at  the  first  favourable  opportunity.  The 
administration  of  Gavestone  was  distinguished  by 
vigour  and  ability.  He  repressed  the  incursions  of 
the  hostile  Irish,  and  repaired  the  castles  that  were 


HISTORY   OF  IRELAND.  95 

erected  along  the  marches  of  the  English  Pale.  Un- 
fortunately, his  haughtiness  and  love  of  ostentation, 
which  had  been  the  cause  of  his  expulsion  from  Eng- 
land, still  continued,  and  excited  against  him  the 
hatred  of  the  barons,  whom  he  affected  to  despise. 
Before  these  angry  feelings  could  produce  open  war, 
Gavestone  was  recalled  by  his  unwise  master ;  and 
soon  after,  Sir  John  Wogan  was  reappointed  to  the 
government.  He  came  in  time  to  witness  a  new 
civil  war  between  the  De  Burghos  and  Geraldines, 
whose  violence  it  was  not  in  his  power  to  restrain. 
The  issue  of  the  contest,  however,  proved  favourable 
to  a  temporary  restoration  of  tranquillity;  for  De 
Burgho,  being  taken  prisoner,  entered  into  terms  of 
accommodation,  which  were  cemented  by  the  mar- 
riage of  his  daughters  to  Maurice  and  Thomas  Fitz- 
John,  afterward  the  heads  of  the  illustrious  houses 
of  Desmond  and  Kildare. 

A.  D.  1314. — This  alliance  between  the  leaders  of 
the  two  parties,  whose  hostility  had  hitherto  been 
the  great  source  of  intestine  broils,  promised  to  secure 
the  country  an  interval  of  tranquillity ;  but  a  new 
storm  from  an  unexpected  quarter  was  impending, 
which  produced  fresh  and  greater  calamities.  The 
memorable  triumph  of  the  Scotch  over  the  mighty 
army  of  England  on  the  field  of  Bannockburn  pro 
duced  great  excitement  in  Ulster.  Constant  tra- 
dition declared  that  the  northern  Irish  were  de- 
scended from  the  same  stock  as  the  Albanian  Scotch, 
though  antiquaries  had  not  yet  begun  to  discuss  the 
relative  antiquity  of  the  branches.  The  Ulster 
princes  were  delighted  at  the  success  of  their  breth- 
ren, and  anxious  to  emulate  such  an  example  of 
successful  resistance.  At  the  same  time,  Robert 
Bruce  had  reason  to  dread  the  impetuous  ambition 
of  his  brother  Edward,  and  was  consequently  anx 
ious  to  find  some  employment  which  might  prevent 
him  from  engaging  'a  an  insurrection  at  home.  The 


06  HISTORY    OF   IRELAND, 

condition  of  Ireland  presented  to  one  brother  the 
tempting  prospect  of  a  new  kingdom,  and  assured  to 
the  other  the  tranquillity  of  his  recovered  dominions. 
Both  eagerlyembraced  the  opportunity;  and  emissa- 
ries were  immediately  sent  through  Ulster  to  stimu- 
late the  people  to  strike  for  freedom.  The  enter- 
prise, however,  had  been  nearly  defeated  in  the  very 
beginning  by  the  impatience  of  Edward  Bruce.  He 
crossed  over  with  a  small  force,  before  his  friends 
were  prepared  for  his  reception,  and  was  forced  to 
make  a  precipitate  retreat.  The  news  of  this  attempt 
created  some  alarm  in  England.  The  deputy,  Lord 
Edmund  Butler,  a  worthy  descendant  of  the  gallant 
Fitz-Walter,  was  summoned  over,  with  some  other 
noblemen,  to  consult  about  the  state  of  the  kingdom ; 
and  orders  were  issued  to  take  all  proper  precautions 
of  defence.  The  winter  was  spent  in  deliberations ; 
and  Butler,  with  the  other  barons,  returned  in  spring, 
barely  in  time  to  rescue  the  kingdom. 

A.  D.  1315.— On  the  25th  of  May,  Edward  Bruce, 
at  the  head  of  six  thousand  hardy  veterans,  landed 
on  the  north-eastern  coast,  and  was  immediately 
joined  by  the  principal  toparchs  of  Ulster.  There 
was  no  force  in  Ireland  able  to  resist  the  combined 
armies.  They  fell  on  the  unprotected  settlements 
in  the  north,  and  butchered  the  colonists  with  as 
little  mercy  as  they  had  themselves  experienced. 
Castles  were  stormed ;  Dundalk,  Atherdee,  and  al- 
most every  town  of  note  burned ;  and,  in  a  very  short 
space  of  time,  no  trace  of  the  English  remained  in 
Ulster  but  the  desolation  of  their  former  dwellings. 
The  news  of  these  transactions  spread  dismay 
through  the  English  Pale.  Several  barons  were  dis- 
posed to  make  terms  with  the  invader;  others  has- 
tened to  secure  their  possessions  in  the  south  and 
west.  The  Earl  of  Ulster  and  the  lord-deputy  alone 
determined  on  a  courageous  resistance.  The  un- 
reasonable pride  of  De  Burgho,  exhibited  even  at 
this  important  crisis,  increased  the  danger.  He  re 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  97 

jected  the  proferred  aid  of  the  lord-deputy,  and  as- 
sumed the  entire  conduct  of  the  war.  Being  joined 
by  Fedlim  O'Connor,  he  advanced  against  Bruce; 
but  was  defeated,  though  not  decisively.  Before  the 
earl  could  retrieve  his  losses  Fedlim  was  recalled 
by  an  insurrection  in  his  own  dominions;  and  De 
Burgho,  thus  weakened,  was  soon  after  compelled 
to  retire. 

The  army  of  Fedlim  suffered  so  severely  in  this 
retreat  from  the  hostility  of  the  northern  septs  that 
he  was  unable  to  resist  his  rival;  and  the  dispirited 
forces  of  De  Burgho  could  lend  him  no  effectual  as- 
sistance. He  was,  however,  soon  relieved  by  the 
arrival  of  Sir  Richard  Bermingham  with  a  select 
body  of  English  soldiers.  By  the  aid  of  this  rein- 
forcement he  was  enabled  to  take  the  field.  His 
rival  fell  in  the  engagement  that  ensued  ;  and  Fedlim 
was  restored  to  his  former  dignity  and  possessions. 
But  gratitude  had  no  place  in  the  breast  of  the  Irish 
prince.  The  first  use  he  made  of  his  recovered 
power  was  to  enter  into  a  strict  alliance  with  Bruce, 
and  draw  his  sword  against  his  deliverers.  The 
O'Briens  of  Thomond,  and  a  great  proportion  of  the 
toparchs  of  Minister  and  Meath  followed  his  example. 
Even  the  descendants  of  English  settlers,  and  es- 
pecially the  once  powerful  Lacys,  declared  them- 
selves adherents  of  the  Scottish  invader.  A  great 
body  of  the  native  clergy  eagerly  embraced  his  cause; 
the  rest  waited  for  the  pope's  decision,  for  they  knew 
that  the  Bruces  were  not  on  the  best  of  terms  with 
his  holiness.  Confident  of  success,  Edward  Bruce 
was  solemnly  cro\vned  at  Dundalk,  and  immediately 
afterward  prepared  to  march  southwards — a  step 
now  become  imperatively  necessary,  for  the  re- 
sources of  the  north  were  exhausted,  and  his  army 
suffering  the  extremity  of  famine. 

Fitz-Thomus,  Baron  of  O'Phaly,  the  head  of  the 
Geraldines,  and  ButL-r,  the  lord-deputy,  made  every 
exertion  to  pn  pare  for  the  coining  irruption,  aru] 
I— H 


98  HISTORY    OF   IRELAND. 

were  immediately  rewarded  with  the  titles  of  earls ; 
the  former  of  Kildare,  the  latter  of  Carrick.  The 
other  lords  of  the  Pale  also  declared  themselves  de- 
termined to  support  the  king  with  their  lives  and 
fortunes,  and  readily  gave  hostages  for  their  allegi- 
ance to  Hotham,  the  royal  commissioner.  The 
most  pressing  danger  arose  from  the  revolt  of  Fed 
I:' in  O'Connor,  who  had  already  defeated  several  in- 
ferior leaders,  and  severely  harassed  the  settlements 
in  Connaught.  A  powerful  army,  commanded  by 
William  de  Burgho,  brother  of  the  Earl  of  Ulster,  and 
Sir  Richard  Bermingham,  was  therefore  sent  into 
the  western  districts,  to  restrain  and  chastise  these 
ravages.  Fedlim,  encouraged  by  previous  success, 
ventured  to  hazard  a  pitched  battle.  The  engage- 
ment took  place  near  the  town  of  Athenry,  and  was 
long  and  bloody.  At  length,  the  Irish  were  routed 
with  terrible  slaughter ;  their  monarch,  and  most 
of  their  princes,  were  among  the  slain.  This  was 
the  most  decisive  victory  which  the  settlers  had 
ever  obtained.  The  power  of  the  O'Connor  family 
was  irretrievably  destroyed,  and  the  entire  province 
of  Connaught  placed  at  the  mercy  of  the  De  Burghos. 
An  interesting  anecdote  of  fidelity  is  recorded  by  the 
original  narrators  of  this  battle.  They  tell  us,  that 
after  the  battle  Sir  Richard  Bermingham  directed 
one  of  his  attendants,  named  Hussey,  to  searc-h  the 
field,  and  try  whether  the  body  of  his  great  enemy 
O'Kelly  was  among  the  slain.  Accompanied  by  a 
single  attendant,  Hussey  commenced  his  search; 
and  O'Kelly,  who  had  heard  the  orders,  came  with 
his  squire  from  a  thicket  in  which  he  had  been  con- 
cealed, and,  presenting  himself  to  Hussey,  endea- 
voured to  seduce  him  from  his  allegiance.  He  rep- 
resented to  the  young  page  the  inferiority  of  the 
station  assigned  him  by  Bermingham,  and  made  the 
most  liberal  promises  of  wealth  and  preferment  if  he 
would  desert  his  master's  banners.  Dazzled  by 
such  splendid  offers,  Hussey's  servant  eagerly  be 


HISTORY   OF   IRELAND.  99 

sought  him  to  comply ;  but  the  young  page  indig- 
nantly slew  him  as  a  traitor.  He  was  immediately 
assailed  by  O'Kelly  and  his  servant :  the  latter  he 
luckily  felled  to  the  earth  by  a  single  blow;  and, 
after  a  tedious  combat,  he  struck  down  O'Kelly  with 
a  mortal  wound.  The  servant,  in  the  mean  time, 
had  partially  recovered  ,  and  Hussey  compelled  him 
to  take  up  the  body  of  his  master,  and  bear  it  to  the 
English  camp.  When  Bermingham  heard  the  ac- 
count of  this  gallant  exploit,  he  immediately  con- 
ferred the  honour  of  knighthood  on  his  page,  and 
assigned  him  a  large  estate  out  of  the  forfeited  pos 
sessions  of  the  O'Connors. 

The  death  of  his  ally  did  not  check  the  operations 
of  Edward  Bruce.  He  extended  his  ravages  to  the 
very  walls  of  Dublin,  and  filled  the  capital  with  con- 
sternation. The  Earl  of  Ulster,  having  been  mar- 
ried to  a  sister  of  the  Scottish  king,  was  suspected 
of  favouring  the  pretensions  of  Bruce  ;  and  his  in- 
action during  the  incursion  seemed  to  prove  that  he 
was  not  a  steady  supporter  of  his  rightful  sovereign. 
On  this  account  he  was  seized  and  thrown  into 
prison  by  the  chief  magistrate  of  Dublin  :  nor  could 
all  the  remonstrances  of  the  English  government 
procure  for  a  long  time  his  liberation.  Walter  de 
Lacy,  after  having  solemnly  disavowed  all  connexion 
with  the  Scotch,  joined  Bruce,  and  acted  as  his 
guide  in  the  march  of  the  invaders  through  Meath 
and  Leinster.  Led  by  this  traitor,  Bruce  traversed 
Ossory,  and  even  penetrated  into  Minister;  but  the 
savage  devastations  of  his  licentious  soldiery  alien 
ated  the  affections  of  the  inhabitants,  who  were  pre- 
viously disposed  to  regard  him  as  a  liberator,  and 
the  Geraldines  were  easily  enabled  to  collect  an 
army  sufficient  to  prevent  his  farther  advance. 

The  soldiers  of  the  Geraldines  were  too  deficient 
in  arms  and  discipline  for  the  leaders  to  hazard  a 
regular  battle ;  but  they  were  soon  reinforced  by  the 
new  lord-deputy,  Roger  Mortimer,  who  'anded  at 


100  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

Waterford  with  a  train  of  forty  knights  and  then 
attendants.  Bruce  was  now  compelled  to  retreat, 
which  he  did  with  precipitation,  leaving  the  Lacys 
exposed  to  all  the  consequences  of  their  rash  rebel- 
lion. Mortimer  exacted  a  heavy  vengeance  from 
the  faithless  chieftains.  He  seized  all  their  castles 
and  estates  in  Meath,  and  compelled  them  to  seek 
refuge  in  the  wilds  of  Connaught.  The  English  in- 
terest soon  began  to  revive ;  and  the  pope  lent  his 
powerful  assistance  to  restore  its  ascendency.  Sen- 
tence of  excommunication  was  solemnly  pronounced 
against  Bruce  and  all  his  adherents,  but  more  par- 
ticularly those  priests  who  had  preached  so  zeal- 
ously in  his  cause.  This  interference  seems  to 
have  been  anticipated  ;  for  the  northern  Irish  princes 
sent  a  deputation  to  Rome,  in  order  to  lay  before 
the  pontiff  a  full  statement  of  all  the  evils  which  the 
English  had  inflicted  on  their  country.  It  was,  in- 
deed, a  black  catalogue  of  crimes,  and  yet  there  is 
something  irresistibly  ludicrous  in  the  manner  of 
describing  the  grievances.  The  massacre  of  thou- 
sands is  placed  on  the  same  scale  as  the  imprison- 
ment of  a  prelate;  and  HIP  injury  done  to  a  cathe- 
dral described  as  more  atrocious  than  the  robber)1 
of  a  nation.  Pope  John  XXII.  transmitted  the  ap- 
peal to  Edward,  with  a  recommendation  to  redress 
all  these  wrongs,  lay  and  clerical;  but  the  state  of 
the  country  prevented  the  introduction  of  any  im- 
provements. 

After  the  departure  of  Mortimer,  the  administra- 
tion was  intrusted  successively  to  the  Archbishops 
of  Oashel  and  Dublin.  They  published  the  bulls  of 
excommunication,  and  ordered  them  to  be  read 
daily  at  every  mass  celebrated  in  the  English  army. 
The  Archbishop  of  Armagh  did  not  confine  himself 
to  spiritual  weapons;  he  resided  constantly  in  the 
camp,  and  took  an  active  part  in  directing  all  mili- 
tary operations.  In  the  mean  time,  Bruce's  army 
wa?  enduring  flip  most  horriMp  extremities  of  fain 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  101 

me.  Shut  up  in  the  northern  districts,  which  had 
ain  desolate  since  the  commencement  of  the  war, 
he  could  not  procure  any  subsistence  for  his  follow- 
ers. The  most  loathsome  and  revolting  objects 
were  eagerly  sought  by  the  famishing  wretches ; 
and  we  are  assured  that  they  even  fed  on  the  dead 
bodies  of  their  brethren !  Robert  Bruce,  hearing  of 
his  brother's  precarious  situation,  made  hasty  prepa- 
rations to  bring  him  relief;  but  by  this  means  only 
accelerated  his  ruin.  Jealous  of  his  brother's  fame, 
Edward  determined  that  victory  should  be  entirely 
his  own,  and  hastily  led  his  forces  against  Sir 
Richard  Bermingham,  who  had  advanced  into  Ul- 
ster at  the  head  of  fifteen  thousand  men  (A.  D.  1318). 
The  fate  of  Ireland  was  decided  at  the  battle  of 
Dundalk.  The  famished  Scots  were  broken  by  the 
physical  strength  of  their  opponents ;  the  Irish  felt 
that  they  fought  under  the  curse  of  the  church ;  while 
the  English  were  roused  by  the  belief  that  Heaven 
was  on  their  side,  and  that  the  blessing  pronounced 
on  their  arms  by  the  primate,  that  very  morning, 
rendered  them  invincible.  In  the  midst  of  the  en- 
gagement Bruce  was  singled  out  by  an  English 
knight  named  Maupas ;  and  so  furious  was  the  en- 
counter that  both  fell  dead  together  on  the  plain. 
The  carnage  was  frightful ;  for  quarter  was  refused 
to  wretches  who  had  incurred  the  penalties  of  ex- 
communication. A  few  escaped  by  their  superior 
knowledge  of  the  country,  and  carried  to  their  breth- 
ren certain  intelligence  that  their  hopes  of  independ- 
ence were  frustrated  for  ever.  In  a  few  days  after, 
Robert  Bruce  arrived  on  the  coast ;  but  hearing  of 
his  brother's  fate,  he  immediately  retired;  and  Ber 
mingham,  thus  freed  from  all  apprehensions  of  the 
Scotch,  led  back  his  victorious  troops,  having  first 
expelled  from  their  lands  the  toparchs  that  had  been 
the  most  zealous  supporters  of  Bruce.  The  suc- 
cessful general  was  created  Earl  of  Louth  and 


102  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

Baron  of  Atherdee, — a  distinction  which  he  w«ill 
deserved. 

The  evils  of  war  are  not  to  be  measured  merely 
by  the  number  of  the  slain,  or  the  extent  of  devas- 
tation; there  are  frequently  calamities  more  oppres- 
Hve,  and  more  permanent,  which  escape  the  notice 
of  the  ordinary  historian.  Bruce  had  been  slain,  his 
followers  dispersed,  and  tranquillity  of  some  kind 
restored  ;  but  the  land  was  desolate,  the  exchequer 
empty,  the  soldiers  mutinous  for  pay,  the  people 
starving  for  lack  of  food.  The  great  barons,  who 
always  maintained  a  large  train  of  followers,  were 
unable  to  support  their  retainers,  and  they  began  to 
exact  what  they  called  "  coyne  and  livery," — in 
other  words,  pay  and  food  for  their  soldiers.  This 
compendious  mode  of  supporting  an  army,  by  quar- 
tering it  immediately  on  the  people,  has  been  more 
than  once  tried  in  Ireland.  It  has  been  found  an 
excellent  means  of  converting  a  petty  disturbance 
into  a  formidable  insurrection,  and  of  diffusing 
through  some  devoted  district  intense  hatred  of  a 
government  that  exposed  the  peasant's  little  prop- 
erty to  licensed  plunder,  and  his  wife  and  daugh- 
ters to  insult  and  pollution.  But  the  Irish  oligar- 
chies never  were  famous  for  looking  to  remote  con- 
sequences. They  did  not  fear  the  serf  whom  they 
crushed  down  by  their  brute  force ;  but  the  wretch, 
incapable  of  obtaining  open  redress,  sought  for  se- 
cret revenge.  They  believed  that  the  money  wrung 
from  their  oppressed  tenants  was  clear  gain ;  but 
they  saw  not  that  when  the  substantial  yeomanry 
fled  before  extortion,  and  their  places  were  sup- 
plied by  miserable  thralls,  the  land  was  no  longer 
efficiently  cultivated,  and  that  their  actual  receipts 
bore  an  amazing  disproportion  to  their  nominal 
rent-roll.  The  fable  of  the  boy  and  the  goose  that 
laid  golden  eggs  has  been  often  faithfully  and  fatally 
realized  in  Ireland.  The  landlord  that  robs  his  ten 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  103 

antry  of  a  fair  share  of  their  profits  is  his  own  worst 
enemy:  he  destroys  all  motives  to  industry;  he 
puts  a  stop  to  the  improvement  of  his  own  ground ; 
he  actually  offers  a  premium  for  exhausting  the  fer- 
tility of  his  own  land.  If  no  better  motive  has  any 
influence  over  the  minds  of  Irish  proprietors,  self- 
interest  ought  long  since  to  have  shown  them  the 
ruin  that  such  short-sighted  avarice  was  bringing  on 
themselves  as  well  as  on  their  country;  and  it 
might,  if  miserable  pride  had  not  interfered, — the 
pride  of  showing  an  enormous  rent-roll,  in  which 
the  first  figure  to  the  left  was  rarely  significant. 
"  It  is  well  to  have  at  least  the  name  of  the  thing," 
is  recorded  as  an  Anglo-Irish  proverb  in  the  earliest 
times ;  and  this  love  of  the  name  without  the  reality 
continues  to  the  present  day.  It  is  easy  to  swell 
the  nominal  income  by  demanding  101.  per  acre  for 
ground  not  worth  half  the  sum  ;  but  the  tenant  will 
be  unable  to  perform  his  promise.  In  many  such 
cases  he  will  pay  very  little  ;  in  most  nothing.  But 
we  have  digressed  from  the  first  establishment  of 
the  system  to  its  present  modified  operation,  and 
must  now  resume  the  regular  course  of  our  nar- 
ration. 

The  exaction  of  coyne  and  livery  was  first  com- 
menced by  Maurice  Fitz-Thomas  of  Desmond  ;  and 
the  severity  with  which  this  arbitrary  tax  was  levied 
was  so  great,  that  Baron  Finglas  declares  "it  would 
destroy  hell,  if  used  in  the  same."  Finglas  was 
chief  baron  of  the  Irish  exchequer,  and  subsequently 
chief  justice  of  the  King's  Bench  in  the  reign  of 
Henry  VIII. ;  and  his  brief  account  of  the  evils  that 
followed  from  this  tyranny  comes  to  us  recommended 
by  the  weight  of  judicial  authority,  independent  of 
the  internal  evidence  of  its  truth.  He  says, "  Nevir 
sithence  did  the  Geraldines  of  Mounster,  the  But- 
lers, ne  Geraldines  of  Leinster  obediently  obey  the 
kyng's  lawes  in  Irelaund ;  but  continually  allied  them- 
selves with  Irishmen,  useing  continually  coyne  and 


104  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

livery,  whereby  all  the  londe  is  now  of  Irish  rule,  ex. 
cept  the  little  English  Pale,  within  the  counties  of 
Dublin  and  Myeth,  and  Uriell  (Louth),  which  passe 
not  thirty  or  fourty  miles  in  compasse.  Item,  in  the 
Ibrsaid  mannere  for  the  lacke  of  punishment  of  the 
grete  lordes  of  Mounster  by  ministracione  of  jus- 
tice, they,  by  ther  extortione  of  coyne  and  livery,  and 
othir  abusions,  have  expelled  all  the  English  free 
holders  and  inhabitants  out  of  Mounster;  so  that  iu 
fiftie  yeres  passid  was  none  ther  obedient  to  the 
kyng's  lawes,  except  cities  and  walled  townes;  and 
soo  this  hath  been  the  decaie  of  Mounster."  The 
Geraldines  unhesitatingly  seized  on  the  lands  of  all 
the  proprietors  whom  their  oppression  drove  into  ex- 
ile ;  and  in  a  very  few  years  Desmond  was  the  prince, 
rather  than  the  proprietor,  of  Waterford,  Cork,  Kerry, 
and  Limerick.  Thus  began  the  fatal  system  under 
which  Ireland  continues  to  suffer  at  the  present  hour; 
a  system  pursued  with  little  variation  by  every  race 
of  landlords  which  the  different  revolutions  intro- 
duced ;  a  system  of  giving  the  land  only  to  miserable 
serfs,  and  discouraging,  by  every  means,  the  growth 
of  an  independent  middle  class.  The  feudal  barons 
drove  out  the  first  race  of  freeholders ;  the  under- 
lakers  in  the  reigns  of  Elizabeth  and  James  refused 
1o  grant  leases  on  such  terms  as  would  encourage  a 
tenant  to  expend  capital  and  industry  on  the  land ; 
the  Cromwellian  settlers  steadily  pursued  the  same 
course;  their  descendants,  through  the  greater  part  of 
the  last  century,  invariably  discouraged  the  Protest- 
ant or  English  tenant,  who  refused  to  pay  a  rent 
which  would  deprive  him  of  every  comfort,  and  who 
felt  himself  entitled  to  the  rights  of  a  citr/en,  and 
the  protection  of  equal  laws.  The  natural  conse- 
quence has  been,  that  the  landloids  have  heaped  up 
the  materials  of  a  servile  war,  ever  ready  to  explode ; 
and  have  kept  the  country  on  the  verge  of  a  general 
agrarian  insurrection,  whose  danger  is  increased  by 
the  violent  means  used  to  check  its  partial  eruptions 


HISTORY    OF   IRELAND.  105 

The  conduct  of  the  clergy,  at  this  period,  was  not 
such  as  should  have  been  expected  from  ministers  of 
the  gospel  of  peace.  The  ecclesiastics  only  imitated 
the  barons  in  setting  he  English  government  at  de- 
fiance ;  but  there  was  more  consistency,  more  unity 
of  purpose  and  design,  in  the  opposition  of  the  spir- 
itual aristocracy.  The  barons  were  frequently  forced 
to  yield;  but  the  prelates  uniformly  prevailed  in 
every  contest.  One  circumstance  illustrative  of  tha 
daring  spirit  manifested  by  the  bishops,  as  well  as  of 
the  ludicrous  fanaticism  of  the  age,  deserves  to  be 
recorded  (A.  D.  1324).  Richard  Led  red,  Bishop  of 
Ossory,  having,  for  some  unknown  reason,  become 
the  enemy  of  a  noble  lady,  named  Dame  Alice  Kel- 
ler, summoned  her,  with  her  son  and  several  of  her 
dependants,  before  his  spiritual  court,  on  a  charge  of 
witchcraft.  The  indictment  was  wondrously  spe- 
cific, and  the  overt  acts  charged  as  precise  as  possible. 
She  was  accused  of  going  through  Kilkenny  every 
evening,  immediately  before  curfew,  sweeping  the 
refuse  of  the  streets  to  her  son's  door,  and  mutter- 
ing the  poetic  incantation — 

"  To  the  house  of  William  my  son, 
Hie  all  the  wealth  of  Kilkenny  town." 

It  was  further  alleged,  that  she  made  assignations 
near  a  cross-road  with  a  demon  named  Robin  Ar- 
tysson,  and  provided  a  strange  supper  for  her  strange 
paramour,  to  wit,  nine  red  cocks'  and  eleven  pea- 
cocks' eyes.  After  this  delicate  repast,  it  was  stated 
that  Alice  and  Robin  were  accustomed  to  help  diges- 
tion by  taking  an  evening  excursion  all  the  world 
over;  and  the  broomstick  which  served  as  her  chargf-r 
was  produced  in  court.  Finally,  it  was  stated  that 
a  sacramental  wafer,  on  which  the  name  of  the  devil 
was  inscribed,  had  been  found  in  her  chamber.  Not- 
withstanding this  body  of  evidence  the  lady  was  ac- 
quitted; but  one  of  her  attendants  was  found  ffiu'lty. 


106  HISTORY   OF   IRELAND. 

and  executed.  But  the  bishop  was  not  so  easily 
foiled.  The  lady  was  again  brought  to  trial,  on  a 
new  charge  of  heresy,  convicted,  and  burned  at  the 
stake;  and  Adam  Duff,  a  gentleman  of  a  respectable 
family  in  Leinster,  being  convicted  of  the  same  of- 
fence, shared  the  same  fate.  Lord  Arnold  de  la 
Poer,  seneschal  of  the  palatinate  to  which  Kilkenny 
then  belonged,  disgusted  at  these  exhibitions  of' 
mingled  folly  and  barbarity,  interfered  to  check  Led 
red's  proceedings.  The  bishop  immediately  arrested 
him  as  a  heretic ;  and  when  the  lord-deputy  inter- 
fered for  his  protection,  the  undaunted  prelate  ex- 
tended his  charge  to  that  personage  himself. 

In  Ireland  now  was  exhibited  the  extraordinary 
spectacle  of  the  chief  governor  arraigned  before  the 
bench  of  bishops  on   a   formal  charge  of  heresy. 
All  the  business  of  the  state  was  suspended,  for  the, 
lord-deputy  was  also  chancellor.     Parliament,  then 
sitting,  was  unable  to  proceed  with  any  business, 
and  the  courts  of  law  were  closed.     After  a  long 
and  tedious  trial,  the  lord-deputy  was  formally  ac- 
quitted, and  testified  his  joy  by  a  magnificent  ban 
quet  open  to  all  comers.     Lord  de  la  Poer  was  not 
equally  fortunate.     He  had  been  seized  by  the  bishop 
in  the  first  instance,  and  perished  in  the  miserable 
dungeon  to  which  he  had  bten  confined.     Not  satis 
fied  with  this   vengeance,  the  bishop  appealed    tr 
Rome,  and  obtained  a  papal   brief,  exhorting   tht 
king  to  prevent  the   growth  of  heresy  in  Ireland 
But  the  mischief  luckily  reverted  on  the  head  of  itf 
author.     Ledred  was  himself  accused  of  heresy  be 
fore  his  metropolitan,  and  forced  to  save  himself  b\ 
a  precipitate  retreat.     The  remainder  of  his  woitli 
less  life  was  spent  in  poverty  and  exile;  but  the 
effects  of  his  mischievous   efforts   were   long   and 
lasting. 

A.  D.  1327. — During  the  administration  of  the 
Karl  of  Kildare,  a  civil  war  commenced,  in  which 
the  greater  part  of  the  English  barons  were  engaged 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  107 

The  canst;  of  this  furious  contest  was  the  most  tri- 
vial imaginable.  The  Lord  de  la  Poer  had  called 
Maurice  of  Desmond  a  rhymer ;  and  Maurice,  prob- 
ably believing  that  the  imputation  of  any  literary 
attainment  was  inconsistent  with  the  barbarous  dig- 
nity which  he  affected,  resolved  to  revenge  the  af 
front  by  arms.  The  Butlers  and  Berminghams 
joined  the  side  of  Maurice.  De  la  Poer  was  assisted 
by  the  De  Burghos.  The  struggle  was  long  and  du- 
bious ;  for,  though  Poer  was  easily  driven  from  his 
territories,  his  allies  could  not  be  subdued  with  equal 
facility.  The  lands  were  laid  waste  by  the  furious 
inroads  of  the  rival  partisans;  and  the  Irish  septs 
in  Leinster  took  advantage  of  these  commotions  to 
revolt.  In  the  midst  of  these  tumults  Kildare  died, 
and  was  succeeded  by  Roger  Outlaw,  Prior  of  Kil 
mainham. 

The  first  effort  of  the  prelate  was  to  reconcile  the 
barons ;  and  in  this  he  succeeded  the  more  easily  as 
they  were  alarmed  at  the  extent  of  their  own  devas- 
tations. The  Irish  septs,  hopeless  of  success,  also 
tendered  their  submission,  and  again  petitioned  to 
be  admitted  to  the  privileges  of  British  subjects. 
But  the  barons  were  too  fond  of  their  old  system 
of  policy  to  allow  those  whom  they  destined  to 
be  their  serfs  to  obtain  the  privileges  of  freemen. 
They  declared  the  proposed  grace  injurious  to  the 
cause  of  English  ascendency,  and  by  their  com- 
bined influence  disappointed  at  once  both  king  and 
people. 

The  Irish  were  justly  indignant  at  this  gross  in. 
stance  of  tyranny  mid  injustice.  They  immediately 
took  up  arms,  and  ranging  themselves  under  the  ban- 
ners of  O'Brian,  Prince  of  Thomond,  obtained  several 
advantages  over  the  English  in  Leinster.  Their 
career  was  marked  by  ruthless  massacre  and  deso- 
lation. We  are  told,  that  on  one  occasion  they  sur- 
rounded a  church  in  which  about  eighty  English 
•ettlers  were  assembled.  These  unfortunate  victims 


i08  HISTORY    OF   IRELAND. 

nopeless  of  escape,  petitioned  for  the  safety  of  their 
pastor;  but  even  this  was  refused.  The  priest  was 
the  first  victim.  He  was  slain  at  the  very  altar,  and 
the  consecrated  elements  trampled  in  the  dust.  The 
invaders  had  first  shown  the  example  of  despising  all 
that  was  in  that  age  deemed  holy.  The  example 
now  reverted  on  themselves,  and  they  were  doomed 
to  pay  a  heavy  penalty  for  their  former  excesses. 
The  lord-deputy,  finding  the  forces  of  the  govern- 
ment unable  to  quell  the  insurrection,  solicited  the 
aid  of  Maurice  of  Desmond,  and  treated  with  this 
haughty  dynast  more  as  an  independent  prince  than  a 
feudal  baron.  To  secure  the  support  of  Maurice,  he 
was  created  Earl  of  Desmond,  and  his  territories 
erected  into  a  county  palatine,  in  which  he  was  al- 
lowed to  exercise  independent  jurisdiction.  The 
number  of  palatinates  was  shortly  after  increased  to 
nine, — Carlow,  "VVexford,  Kilkenny,  Leix,  Meath, 
Ulster,  and  the  territories  of  the  Earls  of  Desmond 
and  Ormond.  The  palatine  lords  in  these  districts 
exercised  all  the  rights  of  sovereign  princes  ;  made 
borons  and  knights;  exercised  both  criminal  and 
civil  jurisdiction;  appointed  their  own  officers  of 
justice,  and  claimed  the  right  of  making  war  and 
peace  at  their  pleasure.  Under  such  circumstances 
the  authority  of  government  was  merely  nominal, and 
the  country  was  in  effect  divided  into  several  inde- 
pendent sovereignties  beyond  the  control  of  the 
crown. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  affairs  when  Sir  An- 
thony Lucy  was  appointed  to  the  government.  He 
was  an  English  knight,  eminently  distinguished  for 
wisdom,  firmness,  and  valour,  and  there  was  rarely 
an  occasion  when  such  qualifications  were  more  re- 
quisite in  a  lord-deputy.  Suspecting  that  the  Irish 
were  secretly  encouraged  in  their  depredations  by 
the  barons,  he  summoned  a  parliament  to  meet  him 
at  Kilkenny.  The  thinness  of  the  attendance,  and 
the  pretexts  used  by  those  who  did  come  for  depart- 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  109 

ing  again,  converted  his  suspicions  into  certainty, 
and  he  took  the  decisive  measure  of  arresting  all  the 
leading  nobles.  Desmond,  Maadeville,  the  two  De 
Burghos,  and  the  two  Berminghams  were  thrown 
into  prison  by  the  spirited  deputy,  and  soon  after 
brought  to  trial.  William  Bermingham  was  con- 
victed on  the  clearest  evidence,  and  immediately  ex- 
ecuted. Desmond  was  forced,  after  a  long  confine- 
ment, to  give  great  surety  for  his  appearance,  and 
was  then  sent  into  England. 

The  Irish  nobles  would  scarcely  have  submitted 
to  this  rigour,  but  that  Edward  was  expected  to 
come  over  in  person,  and  strictly  investigate  the 
state  of  affairs  in  Ireland.  Extensive  preparations 
were  made,  apparently  for  this  expedition  ;  but  they 
were  only  intended  to  veil  the  monarch's  real  de- 
signs against  Scotland.  The  forces  collected  on  the 
western  coast  were  suddenly  ordered  to  march  north- 
wards ;  and  Ireland  was,  as  usual,  neglected.  The 
only  measure  taken  to  tranquillize  the  country  was 
the  most  injudicious  that  could  possibly  be  adopted. 
The  Prior  of  Kilinainham  was  directed  to  enter  into 
terms  of  accommodation  with  all  the  insurgents  of 
English  and  Irish  race.  He  thus,  indeed,  for  a  time 
restored  a  hollow  tranquillity ;  but  he  revealed  to 
the  disaffected  the  secret  of  their  own  strength,  and 
the  royal  weakness.  About  the  same  time  an  event 
fraught  with  the  most  pernicious  consequences  oc- 
curred. The  Earl  of  Ulster  was  assassinated  by  his 
own  servants  at  Carrickfergus ;  and  his  countess, 
with  her  infant  daughter,  fled  to  England  in  con- 
sternation. The  vast  estates  of  De  Burgho  were 
thus  left  without  any  adequate  defence ;  and  the 
king,  who,  as  guardian  of  the  infant  heir,  ought  to 
have  held  them  in  ward,  took  no  measures  for  their 
security.  Of  course  they  became  the  prey  of  rapine 
and  violence.  The  sept  of  the  O'Nials  took  up  arms, 
and,  passing  the  river  Bann,  drove  out  the  English 
settlers  after  a  desperate  resistance.  They  then 


110  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

parcelled  out  the  conquered  territories  among  them- 
selves, and  gave  them  the  name  of  Upper  and  Lowei 
Clan-Hugh-Boy,  in  honour  of  their  leader,  Hugh-Boy 
0'Nial.  The  earl's  possessions  in  Connaught  were 
seized  by  the  junior  branches  of  the  De  Burghos; 
and  as  the  usurpers  were  conscious  that  the  law  of 
England  would  deprive  them  of  their  acquisition, 
they  resigned  at  once  the  English  law,  language,  and 
name,  and  assumed  the  character  of  Irish  toparchs, 
under  the  title  of  MacWilliam  Oughter  and  Mac  Wil- 
liam Eighter,  that  is,  the  farther  and  nether  Mac- 
William.  Similar  degeneracy  was  exhibited  in  al- 
most every  part  of  the  country;  and  it  soon  became 
proverbial  that  the  descendants  of  English  settlers 
were  Hibernis  ipsis  Hiberniores,  "  more  Irish  than  the 
Irish  themselves." 

The  course  adopted  by  the  government  under  these 
circumstances  was  so  unsteady  and  vacillating  that 
the  evils  hourly  increased.  In  a  moment  of  impetu- 
ous indignation,  Edward  issued  a  proclamation  that 
none  but  those  of  English  birth  should  be  eligible  to 
any  office ;  but,  finding  the  Irish  aristocracy  pre- 
paring for  resistance,  he  limited  the  exclusion  to  the 
native  Irish,  and  eventually  excepted  from  its  opera- 
tion all  those  who  had  obtained  charters  of  privileges. 
Again,  he  encouraged  the  Lord-deputy  Ufford  in  his 
vigorous  efforts  to  control  the  Earls  of  Desmond  and 
Kildare ;  but  immediately  after,  he  took  both  these 
lords  into  favour,  in  order  to  procure  their  aid  in  the 
invasion  of  France.  The  Irish  forces  were  honour- 
ably distinguished  by  their  achievements  in  the 
French  war ;  and  Kildare  showed  so  much  valour  at 
the  siege  of  Calais,  that  he  received  the  honour  of 
knighthood  from  the  king's  own  hand.  But  these 
favours  only  served  to  exalt  the  pride  of  the  Gerald- 
tnes,  and  to  make  them  less  inclined  to  yield  obe- 
dience as  subjects. 

A.  D.  1353. — The  only  gleam  of  sunshine  in  this 
long  and  gloomy  period  was  the  brief  administration 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  Ill 

of  Sir  Thomas  Rokeby.  Mild  in  his  manners,  and 
upright  in  his  conduct,  this  excellent  governor  suc- 
cessfully laboured  to  conciliate  all  parties  by  justice 
and  moderation.  When  advised  to  enrich  himself 
Dy  arts  well  known  to  all  that  went  before,  and  many 
that  succeeded  him,  he  nobly  replied,  "  I  am  served 
without  parade  or  splendour;  but  let  my  dishes  be 
wooden,  rather  than  my  creditors  unpaid."  Hut  the 
abilities  of  Rokeby  were  not  equal  to  the  purity  of 
his  intentions.  Indeed,  powers  absolutely  miracu- 
lous were  required  to  tranquillize  a  land  where  every 
spot  was  filled  with  the  elements  of  discord,  and 
where  every  person  felt  an  interest  in  creating  public 
disturbance. 

A.  D.  1361. — Edward,  seeing  the  little  respect  paid 
to  his  deputies,  resolved  to  commit  the  government  of 
Ireland  to  his  second  son  Lionel  Duke  of  Clarence, 
who  had  married  the  heiress  of  the  Earl  of  Ulster 
Extensive  preparations  were  made  to  enable  the 
young  prince  to  conduct  himself  with  vigour  in  his 
new  government ;  and  the  highest  expectations  were 
formed  of  the  benefits  that  were  to  follow  from  his 
visit.  By  one  fatal  error  all  these  well-grounded 
hopes  were  disappointed.  The  youthful  duke  was 
surrounded  by  men  of  English  birth,  who  induced 
him  to  slight  the  lords  of  the  Pale ;  and  these 
haughty  nobles  refused  to  give  him  the  least  assist- 
ance in  his  military  operations.  Left  to  the  guidance 
of  his  own  inexperienced  followers,  Lionel  marched 
against  the  O'Briens  of  Thomond ;  and,  from  his 
ignorance  of  the  country,  was  soon  involved  in  diffi- 
culties from  which  he  saw  no  means  of  escape.  In 
this  mortifying  condition,  he  was  obliged  to  ap- 
peal to  the  compassion  of  the  lords  of  the  Pale,  by 
whom  he  was  speedily  relieved,  and  even  enabled  to 
gain  some  advantages  ove*  the  enemy.  He  returned 
soon  after  to  England,  having  added  a  nesv  and  dan- 
gerous distinction  to  the  parties  by  which  the  coun- 
try was  already  distracted.  Henceforth  the  terms, 


112  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

English  by  birth,  and  English  by  blood,  became  in 
vidious  marks  of  separation,  and  caused  new  hostili- 
ties as  violent  and  inveterate  as  any  yet  recorded. 

After  a  brief  absence,  during  which  the  reins  of 
government  were  held  successively  by  the  Earl  of 
Ormond  and  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  the  Duke  of  Clarence 
returned,  and  summoned  a  parliament  to  consult  on 
the  state  of  the  country  (A.  D.  1367).  The  most 
numerous  and  respectable  assembly  that  had  hitherto 
been  convened  in  Ireland  met  on  this  occasion  at 
Kilkenny.  The  result  of  their  labours  was  an  act 
memorable  in  the  dark  annals  of  Irish  legislation,  the 
celebrated  STATUTE  OK  KILKENNY.  It  provided  that 
marriage,  fosterage,  or  gossipred  with  the  Irish,  or 
submission  to  the  Irish  law,  should  be  considered 
and  punished  as  high-treason.  It  declared  that  if 
any  man  of  English  descent  should  use  an  Irish 
name,  the  Irish  language,  or  observe  Irish  customs, 
he  should  forfeit  his  estates  until  security  was  given 
for  his  conformity  to  English  habits.  It  was  also 
declared  penal  to  present  a  mere  Irishman  (that  is, 
one  who  had  not  purchased  a  charter  of  denization) 
to  any  benefice, or  to  receive  him  into  any  monastery. 
And  finally,  it  was  strictly  forbidden  to  entertain  any 
native  bard,  minstrel,  or  story-teller;  or  to  admit 
an  Irish  horse  to  graze  on  the  pasture  of  a  liege 
subject ! 

This  precious  specimen  of  legislation  was  lauded 
as  a  masterpiece  of  policy  by  those  who  thought  that 
the  conversion  of  the  English  into  mere  Irish  was 
the  great  danger  to  be  apprehended  ;  and  even  in 
later  times  there  have  been  found  some  to  join  in  the 
eulogy.  Yet,  could  there  be.  any  thing  more  impoli- 
tic than  thus  to  denounce  all  the  institutions,  civil 
and  religious,  of  a  people  not.  yet  subdued — and  this, 
too,  after  all  their  petitions  for  admission  within  the 
pale  of  the  English  law  had  heen  contumeliously 
neglected?  In  fact,  the  Irish  were  forced  by  their 
oppressors  to  retain  their  ancient  system,  and  then 


HISTORY   OF   IRKLAND.  113 

punished  for  their  adherence  to  what  they  would 
gladly  have  resigned.  In  the  words  of  Lord  Clare, 
"  it  was  a  declaration  of  perpetual  war,  not  only 
against  the  native  Irish,  but  against  every  person  of 
English  blood  who  had  settled  beyond  the  limits  of 
the  Pale,  and  from  motives  of  personal  interest,  or 
convenience,  had  formed  connexions  with  the  natives, 
or  adopted  their  laws  and  customs  :  and  it  had  the 
full  effect  which  might  have  been  expected ;  it  drew 
closer  the  confederacy  it  was  meant  to  dissolve, 
and  implicated  the  colony  of  the  Pale  in  cease- 
less warfare  and  contention  with  each  other,  and 
with  the  inhabitants  of  the  adjacent  district."  The 
conduct  of  the  clergy  is  not  the  least  astounding  part 
of  this  extraordinary  proceeding.  Not  satisfied  with 
their  efforts  in  conveying  the  statute  through  the 
parliament,  they  denounced  anathemas  and  excom- 
munications on  all  those  who  disobeyed  its  pro- 
visions ;  declaring  that  every  thing  Irish  was  an  object 
of  abhorrence  to  God  and  man.  Three  of  these 
bishops  were  themselves  Irishmen ;  and  we  may 
well  be  surprised  at  the  virulence  with  which  these 
apostates  branded  the  institutions  of  their  vio- 
lence. But  our  wonder  ceases  when  we  learn  that 
tithes  and  other  ecclesiastic  exactions  were  always 
resisted  in  those  districts  where  the  Brehon  law  pre- 
vailed. 

But  the  Statute  of  Kilkenny  failed  to  produce  the 
effects  that  Edward  anticipated.  The  insurrections 
and  civil  wars  continued  ;  the  authority  of  the  lords- 
deputies  was  disregarded ;  and  the  expense  of  the 
Irish  government  became  a  serious  burden  to  the 
British  parliament  (A.  D.  1376).  Sir  William  Wind- 
sor, the  lord-deputy,  by  the  royal  command  assem- 
bled the  parliament  of  the  Pale ;  but  they  pleaded 
poverty,  and  refused  the  supplies.  Edward  had  re- 
course to  the  extraordinary  measure  of  summoning 
a  species  of  Irish  parliament  to  meet  him  in  England. 
The  bishops  were  directed  to  send  over  two  of  the 

I— I 


114  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

clergy  from  every  diocess ;  the  commons  were  or 
dered  to  send  two  representatives  from  each  county 
and  two  burgesses  from  each  city  and  borough.  Tha 
returns  made  to  these  writs  of  summons  prove  clearly 
that  the  prelates  were  as  little  disposed  to  submit  to 
the  royal  power  as  the  barons.  The  greater  number 
of  diocesses  expressly  prohibited  their  deputies  from 
consenting  to  any  subsidies ;  and  the  counties  and 
cities  folio  wed  their  exam  pie.  Cork,Youghal,  Ross, 
and  a  few  other  places  gave  full  powers  to  their  repre- 
sentatives; but  the  limitation  placed  on  the  majority 
rendered  the  whole  proceeding  nugatory.  Money 
was  the  only  thing  the  king  wanted,  and  money  was 
precisely  the  subject  on  which  the  different  constitu- 
encies prevented  the  deputies  from  deliberating. 
The  deputies  went  over  and  assembled  at  Westmin- 
ster; but  as  they  had  no  authority,  their  debates 
were  a  mere  idle  form,  and  they  soon  separated. 
During  the  remainder  of  Edward's  reign,  the  roy^ 
authority  continually  declined,  and  the  unrestrained 
excesses  of  the  barons  kept  the  country  in  a  state 
of  the  utmost  misery.  Foreign  merchants  refused 
to  visit  the  hapless  land  without  special  letters  of 
protection.  Trade  and  commerce  were  consequently 
all  but  extinguished.  New  adventurers  coming  over 
from  England  inflamed  dissensions  by  their  grasping 
avarice  ;  and  the  clergy,  already  demoralized,  were 
further  degraded  by  being  employed  to  raise  and  lead 
armies,  which  the  crown  feared  to  intrust  to  the 
barons.  These  were  the  fatal  consequences  of  Ed- 
ward's foreign  wars,  which  withdrew  his  attention 
from  his  domestic  concerns,  and  prevented  him  from 
applying  any  remedy  to  the  evils  which  he  saw  and 
vainly  lamented. 


BISTORT   OF   IRELAND.  115 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Tlu  History  of  Ireland,  during  the  Civil  Wars  between  tht  Hautr:  of 
York  and  Lancaster. 

THE  accession  of  the  unfortunate  Richard  II.  had 
no  immediate  effect  upon  the  affairs  of  Ireland.  The 
expenses,  however,  of  its  misgovernment  called  the 
attention  of  the  British  parliament  to  the  state  of 
that  country,  and  they  adopted  the  judicious  measure 
of  compelling  absentees  to  return  under  pain  of  for- 
feiture. The  war  with  France  and  Scotland,  though 
not  vigorously  maintained  by  any  of  the  belligerent 
powers,  wasted  them  all  by  the  encouragement  it 
afforded  to  predatory  expeditions.  The  coast  of 
Ireland  was  long  infested  by  a  French  fleet,  until  at 
length  the  enemy  was  overtaken  in  the  harbour  of 
Kinsale  by  the  English,  and  completely  defeated. 
Little  of  importance  occurred  during  the  administra- 
tions of  the  Earl  of  March  and  Sir  Philip  Courtney. 
The  latter  governor  was  removed  in  consequence  of 
his  illegal  extortions  ;  but  historians  have  not  record- 
ed the  particulars  of  his  crimes  and  punishment. 
The  government  was  next  conferred  on  the  king's 
prime  favourite,  Robert  de  Vere,  Earl  of  Oxford  and 
Marquis  of  Dublin.  Extraordinary  preparations  were 
made  for  his  departure  ;  but  when  he  had  proceeded 
as  far  as  Wales,  Richard  found  himself  unable  to 
part  with  his  minion,  and  the  administration  was 
managed  by  his  deputies. 

The  English  nobility  soon  revolted  against  the 
dominion  which  Oxford  exercised  ;  and,  after  a  brief 
struggle,  he  was  driven  into  Flanders.  His  creatures 
in  Ireland  shared  his  fate.  They  were  stripped  of 
their  power,  and  the  ndm'"HnUion  confided  to  Sh 


i!6  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

John  Stanley,  and  afterward  to  the  Eail  of  Onnond 
The  latter  acted  with  more  vigour  than  his  predeces- 
sors. He  compelled  the  O'Neals  of  Ulster  to  give 
hostages  for  their  fidelity ;  and  he  gained  a  great 
victory  at  Kilkenny  over  a  numerous  army  of  Irish 
insurgents.  The  disordered  state  of  Ireland,  how- 
ever, continued  to  be  the  subject  of  bitter  complaints 
in  the  English  parliament:  and  the  king  at  length 
resolved  r,o  lead  over  a  sufficient  army,  and  complete 
the  conquest  of  the  country.  He  is  said  to  have 
formed  this  resolution,  partly  because  he  dreaded 
the  Duke  of  Gloucester,  who  was  first  nominated  to 
the  command,  but  principally  on  account  of  a  sarcasm 
uttered  by  some  princes  of  Germany,  when  Richard 
canvassed  them  for  his  election  to  the  empire. 
Having  married  a  Bohemian  princess,  he  trusted 
that,  by  this  connexion,  he  had  acquired  sufficient 
interests  to  be  chosen  emperor.  But  the  electors 
refused  to  confer  the  dignity  on  one  who  had  been 
unable  to  defend  the  acquisitions  made  by  his  ances- 
tors in  France — who  could  not  control  the  factions 
of  his  English  subjects,  nor  subdue  the  enemies  of 
his  authority  in  Ireland.  The  truth  of  this  reproach 
made  it  the  more  bitter ;  and  Richard  determined  to 
acquire  military  fame  in  Ireland,  where  he  had  the 
fairest  prospects  of  success. 

A  powerful  army,  led  by  the  king  in  person,  could 
not  be  resisted  by  the  Irish  toparchs.  As  soon  ns 
Richard  landed  the  native  princes  and  the  barons 
hastened  to  tender  their  allegiance,  and  perform 
homage.  The  vainglorious  king  was  satisfied  with 
this  appearance  of  submission;  he  traversed  the 
country  in  all  the  pomp  of  military  triumph,  and 
soon  returned  to  England,  after  having  expended 
enormous  sums,  and  performed  absolutely  nothing. 

The  you  tiff  Earl  of  March,  "ho  remained  in  Ire- 
laud  as  lord-d«-pii!y.  fatallv  experienced  bow  deh;.vive 
were  th^  siibnijs:- -.I'l-i*  v.  let  h  |{i<l:;m!  bad  ju-rept.ed, 
It  had  li""M  <Je  r!a!i-il.  th:;t  Hie  Iri-'i  s<  pts  should 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  117 

completely  evacuate  Leinster;  but  when  the  time 
for  the  performance  of  the  agreement  arrived,  they 
not  only  refused  to  stir,  but  boldly  took  up  arms.  In 
this  petty  war  the  Earl  of  March  was  slain,  with 
several  of  his  companions ;  and  MacMurchard,  who, 
though  pensioned  by  the  king,  headed  the  revolt,  se- 
verely harassed  the  English  settlements,  no  longer 
protected  by  the  forces  of  the  deputy.  When  the 
news  of  these  events  reached  England,  Richard  at 
once  determined  on  a  second  expedition  into  Ireland, 
to  avenge  his  cousin's  death.  Orders  were  issued 
for  levying  forces  and  raising  money  ;  but  the  royal 
emissaries  behaved  so  harshly  in  the  execution  of 
these  commands,  that  the  disaffection  which  the 
king's  misconduct  had  already  caused  soon  became 
universal.  The  banishment  of  Hereford,  and  the 
illegal  seizure  of  his  paternal  property,  had  justly 
offended  that  powerful  and  popular  nobleman.  He 
had  previously  formed  an  extensive  connexion  with 
a  great  body  of  the  English  nobility;  and  Richard, 
just  before  his  departure,  added  to  the  strength  of 
the  conspiracy,  by  proclaiming  the  Earl  of  North- 
umberland a  traitor,  and  his  lands  forfeited.  Having 
thus  almost  wantonly  provoked  a  rebellion,  Richard 
set  sail,  and  on  the  13th  day  of  May  arrived  in 
Waterford. 

The  entire  progress  of  the  weak  monarch  was 
marked  by  vanity  and  incapacity.  When  a  great 
part  of  the  season  had  been  wasted  in  idle  parade, 
he  advanced  against  the  enemy  through  a  difficult 
country,  where  no  provisions  could  be  procured. 
MacMurchard,  secure  in  his  fastnesses,  could  not  be 
forced  to  an  engagement.  He  left  the  English  to 
contend  with  his  formidable  allies — fatigue  and 
famine ;  enemies  that  soon  thinned  the  ranks  of 
the  invaders.  Richard,  forced  to  retreat  before  an 
enemy  he  despised,  had  recourse  to  negotiation  ;  but 
his  terms  were  haughtily  rejected  by  MacMurchard. 
Irritated  by  these  disappointments,  the  king  vowed 


118  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND 

never  to  return  until  he  had  chastised  the  insolent 
chieftain  ;  but  the  news  that  reached  him  from  Eng- 
land soon  compelled  him  to  change  his  resolution. 
Unfavourable  winds  had  prevented  any  intercourse 
between  the  two  countries  for  some  weeks;  and 
when  the  weather  changed,  the  news  of  Hereford's 
invasion  and  its  rapid  success  came  upon  him  like 
a  thunderbolt.  Even  in  this  crisis,  he  neglected  all 
reasonable  precautions  ;  he  delayed  in  Ireland  until 
the  Welsh  army,  collected  by  the  Earl  of  Salisbury, 
dispersed  in  despair ;  and  he  returned,  with  a  scanty 
train,  to  a  country  where  he  had  no  longer  a  friend. 
He  threw  himself  into  the  Castle  of  Conway,  with 
the  design  of  returning  to  Ireland  ;  but  was  betrayed 
into  the  hands  of  his  rival,  and  soon  after  perished 
in  prison. 

The  usurpation  of  the  House  of  Lancaster  shook 
to  its  very  foundation  the  English  interests  in  Ire- 
land. Henry  IV.  was  too  busily  engaged  in  sup- 
pressing the  numerous  insurrections  which  the  defect 
of  his  title  encouraged  to  pay  any  regard  to  the  state 
of  a  distant  province.  His  son,  unfortunately,  pre- 
ferred the  barren  laurels  acquired  in  France  to  the 
substantial  advantages  which  might  have  been  ac- 
quired nearer  home.  During  both  these  reigns,  the 
Irish  septs  acquired  fresh  power  and  territory. 
They  hemmed  in  the  settlers  on  every  side,  and 
were  paid  a  large  tribute  for  granting  them  a  pre- 
carious protection.  The  Statute  of  Kilkenny  could 
no  longer  be  observed,  for  there  was  no  force  to 
exact  the  penalties  for  its  violation.  The  barons 
degenerated  into  Irish  chieftains ;  the  exactions  of 
"  coyne  and  livery"  were  levied  in  open  violation 
of  the  law  ;  and  the  royal  authority  was  so  little  re- 
garded, that  many  peers  disdained  to  attend  their 
duties  in  parliament.  The  jealousy  between  the  de- 
scendants of  the  old  settlers  and  the  English  by  birth 
assumed  the  appearance  of  national  hostility,  and 
was  rendered  more  virulent  by  the  unwise  enact 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  119 

rtients  of  the  English  parliament,  and  the  indiscrimi- 
nate rigour  of  the  English  administration.  In  the 
beginning  of  the  reign  of  Henry  V.,  an  act  was 
passed  prohibiting  Irish  adventurers  from  coming  to 
England;  and  all  such  as  had  previously  arrived  were 
ordered  to  depart  forthwith.  This  law  was  extended, 
by  the  insolence  and  folly  of  the  ministry,  to  the 
sons  of  the  Irish  nobility  in  the  universities  and  inns 
of  court.  Stung  by  this  insult,  they  returned  home, 
anxious  to  harass  a  government  by  which  they  had 
been  stigmatized,  and  restrained  from  open  rebellion 
only  by  their  dread  of  the  native  Irish.  The  gov- 
ernors and  legal  officers  sent  over  from  England 
scarcely  deigned  to  disguise  their  contempt  of  the 
old  colonists ;  they  even  ventured  to  insult  the  par- 
liament of  the  Pale ;  and  when  the  legislature  was 
anxious  to  present  a  petition  of  grievances  to  the 
sovereign,  the  chancellor  (Merbury)  refused  to  affix 
the  seal,  so  that  it  could  not  be  transmitted.  The 
appointment  of  the  Earl  of  Ormond  as  lord-deputy 
was  a  proof  that  the  government  began  to  be  con- 
scious of  its  error  in  excluding  the  Irish  nobility 
from  power ;  and  the  tranquillity  which  he  established 
proved  the  wisdom  of  this  change.  But  Ormond 
was  guilty  of  some  great  errors  which  more  thai; 
-counterbalanced  his  services.  To  aggrandize  their 
'own  power  was  always  the  policy  of  the  Butlers; 
and  in  his  haste  to  effect  this  favourite  object,  the 
deputy  did  not  always  observe  the  dictates  of  equity, 
or  even  sound  policy.  In  order  to  gain  the  assist- 
ance of  the  Earl  of  Desmond,  in  a  struggle  for  power 
with  the  Talbots,  Ormond  not  only  procured  for  that 
nobleman  a  confirmation  of  his  title  and  privileges, 
hut  also  greatly  extended  his  jurisdiction.  James 
Earl  of  Desmond  had  obtained  this  rank  by  means 
equally  criminal  and  extraordinary.  His  nephew, 
the  rightful  heir  of  Desmond,  offended  the  prejudices 
of  his  retainers  by  marrying  a  beautiful  girl  of  in- 
ferior rank.  Thev  rose  in  rebellion,  forced  him  to 


120  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

surrender  his  title  and  estate,  and  drove  him  into 
exile.  Through  the  friendship  of  Ormond,  Jamea 
procured  an  acknowledgment  of  his  claims  from  the 
parliament,  and  permission  from  the  crown  to  pur- 
chase what  lands  he  pleased,  under  whatever  tenure 
they  were  holden.  He  was  also  constituted  gover- 
nor  of  the  southern  counties,  and  obtained  the  privi 
lege  of  absenting  himself  from  parliament,  and  of 
voting  on  ail  questions  by  a  sufficient  proxy.  The 
effect  of  these  mischievous  grants  was  soon  mani- 
fested. Desmond  became,  at  the  same  time,  con- 
scious of  his  own  strength,  and  jealous  of  Ormond. 
Mutual  insults  and  recriminations  exasperated  their 
hatred,  which  finally  brought  on  open  war.  Des. 
moncl  had  sufficient  strength  to  resist  the  forces  of 
his  rival,  though  supported  by  all  the  strength  of  the 
government;  and,  after  a  desultory  campaign,  con- 
cluded a  truce  with  all  the  form  of  an  independent 
sovereign.  The  rivals  of  Ormond  in  Leinster  took 
the  opportunity  of  his  absence  to  send  over  such 
representations  to  Henry  VI.  as  induced  that  weak 
monarch  to  remove  him  from  the  government. 

Talbot  Earl  of  Shrewsbury,  and  now  constituted 
Earl  of  Waterford,  was  the  new  lord-deputy.  He 
came  attended  by  a  gallant  train,  at  the  moment 
when  fresh  commotions  were  beginning  to  arise, 
which  fortunately  his  power  overawed.  The  new 
deputy  was  a  violent  enemy  of  the  Butlers ;  but  Or- 
mond was  protected  by  the  personal  friendship  of 
the  sovereign  ;  and  his  family,  grateful  for  this  kind- 
ness, continued  ever  after  firmly  attached  to  the 
house  of  Lancaster. 

A.  D.  1449. — A  change  now  took  place  in  the 
government,  more  important  than  any  yet  recorded, 
because  its  effects  were  more  permanent  and  exten- 
sive. Richard  Duke  of  York,  descended  from  an 
elder  brother  of  the  prince  through  whom  the  reign 
ing  family  claimed  thHr  right  to  the  throne,  was 
universa  i\  belov  'd  ri  "inland.  His  high  birth  and 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  *21 

station  were  of  little  moment,  Compared 
the  influence  he  derived  from  his  exemplary 
vhtues  and  consummate  ability.  Valiant  in  war, 
prudent  in  council,  eloquent  in  debate,  he  was  re- 
garded by  his  peers  as  the  brightest  ornament  of 
their  order.  Conciliating  in  his  manners,  of  a  kind 
disposition  and  fascinating  address,  he  won  the  hearts 
of  the  commons,  but  too  justly  wearied  of  aristo- 
cratic insolence.  The  contrast  between  this  noble- 
man and  his  inglorious  sovereign  was  too  glaring  to 
escape  observation.  The  claims  of  the  house  of 
York  to  the  crown  began  to  be  canvassed  publicly  ; 
and  the  disgrace  of  the  English  arms  in  France 
rendered  the  people  still  more  discontented  with  the 
Lancastrian  dynasty.  Margaret  of  Anjou,  the  proud 
queen  of  Henry,  saw  the  danger  to  which  her  hus- 
band's crown  was  exposed  by  the  popularity  of  the 
duke.  His  power  was  too  great  for  her  to  attempt 
any  open  attack  ;  and  she  therefore  determined,  on 
some  honourable  pretence,  to  remove  him  from  the 
country.  It  was  asserted  in  England  that  the  native 
Irish  had  joined  in  a  formidable  confederacy,  and 
that,  unless  speedy  measures  were  adopted,  the 
English  power  in  that  country  would  be  speedily 
overthrown.  This  furnished  a  plausible  pretext  for 
appointing  the  duke  lord-deputy ;  and  he  was  urgently 
entreated  to  has'en,  Avith  all  speed,  to  suppress  these 
imaginary  commotions.  The  prince,  wiser  than  his 
adversaries,  showed  no  reluctance  in  accepting  the 
office.  He  justly  believed  that  his  sons  would  m air- 
tain  the  dignity  of  his  family  in  England ;  while  he, 
closely  allied  to  the  De  Burghos,heir  to  the  earldom 
of  Ulster,  and  the  lordships  of  Connaught,  Clare, 
Trim,  and  Meath,  could  not  fail  to  increase  the  num- 
oer  of  his  partisans,  and  the  power  of  his  house  in 
Ireland.  Before  his  departure,  he  took  care  to  pro- 
cure more  extensive  authority  than  had  been  granted 
to  his  predecessors.  Besides  the  uncontrolled  dis. 
posal  of  the  Irish  revenue,  lie  slipi'lnted  for  a  pension 


122  HISTORY    OF   IRELAND. 

from  England ;  and  he  claimed  the  right  of  disposing 
of  the  king's  land,  and  of  appointing  to  all  offices 
civil  and  military.  In  her  eager  haste  to  remove 
the  duke  from  England,  Margaret  forgot  the  danger- 
ous influence  which  such  unparalleled  powers  would 
give  the  object  of  her  jealousy  in  a  country  where, 
the  crown  possessed  no  countervailing  authority. 
The  duke's  demands  were  readily  granted,  and  he  pro- 
ceeded to  Ireland  with  all  the  state  of  a  sovereign. 

The  administration  of  the  Duke  of  York  is  one 
of  the  brightest  periods  in  Irish  history.  For  years 
afterward  it  was  quoted  as  the  time  when  peace  and 
prosperity  ruled  the  land  ;  when  the  excesses  of  fac- 
tion were  restrained  by  impartial  justice  ;  when  the 
native  Irish,  the  English  by  birth,  and  the  English  by 
blood,  forgetting  former  animosities,  seriously  ap- 
plied themselves  to  improve  the  country  which  they 
inhabited  in  common.  Even  now,  after  the  lapse  of 
four  centuries,  the  memory  of  these  halcyon  days 
is  preserved  in  popular  tradition ;  and  at  this  hour 
the  white  rose,  the  cognizance  of  the  house  of  York, 
is  the  favourite  symbol  of  the  partisans  of  the  people 
Though  aware  of  the  attachment  of  Ormond  to  the 
house  of  Lancaster,  the  prince  received  him  with 
the  same  kindness  and  attention  that  he  showed  to 
the  Geraldines  and  De  Burghos,  his  own  faithful  ad- 
herents. On  the  birth  of  his  son,  afterward  the  un- 
fortunate Duke  of  Clarence,  the  deputy  invited  Des- 
mond and  Ormond  to  be  the  sponsors  of  the  infant 
prince;  an  honour  which  Desmond,  filled  with  the 
extravagant  ideas  of  gossipred  that  prevailed  in  Ire- 
land,  esteemed  as  almost  raising  him  to  an  eqiuilitv 
with  the  duke,  but  which  Ormond,  enlightened  b\ 
travel,  viewed  in  its  proper  colours.  The  federal 
transactions  with  the  Irish  princes  were  marked  with 
a  regard  »o  justice  and  good  faith  such  as  had  been 
rarely  exhibited  by  former  governors;  and,  what  none 
>f  them  had  evinced,  he  displayed  an  anxious  desire 
)  improve  the  condition  of  the  peasantry,  and  tc 


HISTORY   OF   IRELAND.  123 

protect  them  from  the  oppressive  exactions  of  their 
lords.  Such  a  paternal  government,  as  excellent  as 
it  was  rare,  was  rewarded  by  the  most  enthusiastic 
attachment  of  all  classes.  Its  longer  continuance 
»vould  probably  have  made  the  growing  reconcilia- 
tion of  hostile  interests  permanent:  but  unfortunately 
it  has  been  too  often  tne  fate  of  Ireland  to  lose  her 
best  governors  at  the  very  moment  when  their  mea- 
sures, were  most  likely  to  be  beneficial. 

The  rebellion  of  Jack  Cade,  who  assumed  the 
popular  name  of  Mortimer,  was  supposed  to  have 
been  secretly  contrived  by  the  Duke  of  York,  in 
order  to  feel  the  pulse  of  the  English  people.  With- 
out making  any  inquiry  into  the  truth  of  this  surmise, 
the  king,  at  the  instigation  of  his  haughty  queen, 
sent  letters  to  the  sheriffs  of  the  western  counties, 
declaring  the  traitorous  designs  of  the  duke,  and 
commanding  them  to  oppose  his  landing.  This  in 
discreet  declaration  of  the  fears  and  suspicions  en 
tertained  by  the  court  afforded  the  duke  a  pretext 
for  returning  to  England.  He  declared  his  anxiety 
to  justify  his  conduct,  and  his  determination  to  face 
his  accusers.  Embarking  with  a  small  train,  he 
landed  in  Wales,  and,  eluding  all  opposition,  speeded 
to  London,  where  he  was  apparently  reconciled  to 
the  king. 

The  duke  at  his  departure  intrusted  the  adminis 
(ration  to  Ormond.  The  earl,  being  summoned  over 
to  England,  was  succeeded  by  the  Archbishop  of 
Armagh ;  but  troubles  arising  which  the  peaceful 
prelate  could  not  allay,  he  resigned  his  charge  to  Sir 
Edward  Fitz-Eustace,  a  knight  of  great  military  fame, 
and  well  fitted  for  a  government  which  required  more 
than  ordinary  exertions.  The  O'Connors  of  Ofally 
were  the  first  who  experienced  the  vigour  of  the 
new  deputy.  He  surprised  this  turbulent  sept  while 
engaged  in  a  predatory  expedition,  and  inflicted  on 
them  a  severe  defeat.  In  the  rout,  the  toparch 
O'Connor  fell  from  his  horse.  He  was  remounted 


124  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

by  his  son,  the  companion  of  his  flight,  but  fell  a 
second  time  from  exhaustion.  It  was  long  before 
the  chieftain  could  persuade  the  youth  to  leave  him 
to  his  fate  ;  but  at  length  he  commanded  him  to  fly, 
under  pain  of  incurring  his  displeasure.  O'Connor 
remained  a  prisoner,  but  was  only  detained  a  short 
time.  The  deputy,  finding  that  he  had  no  design  of 
revolting,  liberated  him  without  ransom. 

The  sept  of  the  O'Nials,  ever  the  most  hostile  to 
the  English,  after  long  remaining  quiet,  were  induced 
to  take  up  arms  by  the  hope  of  plunder.  Hearing 
that  a  rich  fleet  was  sailing  from  the  bay  of  Dublin, 
they  fitted  out  some  barks,  attacked  and  took  the 
ships,  plundered  the  cargoes,  and  made  all  the  pas- 
sengers, among  whom  was  the  Archbishop  of 
Dublin,  prisoners.  The  deputy  immediately  has- 
tened to  punish  these  marauders ;  and  O'Nial,  being 
joined  by  some  other  toparchs,  advanced  to  antici- 
pate the  invasion.  The  two  armies  met  at  Ard- 
glass;  and  after  a  fierce  engagement,  the  Irish  were 
defeated  witli  the  loss  of  seven  hundred  slain,  and  a 
still  greater  number,  including  all  the  principal  leaders, 
made  prisoners.  By  this  defeat  the  O'Nials  were 
so  humbled,  thai,  they  long  continued  quiet,  and  af- 
forded the  deputy  leisure  to  attend  to  the  regulation 
of  public  affairs. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  Eng- 
lish public  had  produced  a  general  revolt.  The  un- 
fortunate Henry  was  made  prisoner  at  St.  Alban's, 
and  the  whole  authority  of  the  crown  was  transferred 
to  the  Duke  of  York.  To  strengthen  his  authority 
in  Ireland,  the  duke  appointed  the  Earl  of  Kildare 
lord-deputy;  and  this  nobleman,  being  considered 
the  chief  of  ths  old  settlers,  was  gladly  acknowledged 
by  the  descendants  of  the  original  conquerors.  The 
death  of  his  great  rival  Ormond,  and  of  several  ,ur- 
bulent  toparchs,  freed  Kildare  from  the  fear  of  civil 
commotions.  The  Butlers  indeed,  at  first,  made 
some  resistance,  but  they  were  quickly  subdued. 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  125 

Margaret  of  Anjou  was  by  no  means  disposed  to 
submit  to  the  loss  of  power,  consequent  on  her  hus- 
band's degradation.  She  assembled  the  partisans  of 
the  house  of  Lancaster,  and  defeated  the  Yorkists 
at  Blore  Heath  with  great  slaughter.  Deserted  and 
betrayed,  Duke  Richard  fled  for  safety  to  Ireland, 
while  he  and  his  adherents  were  attainted  by  the 
English  parliament.  The  Irish  received  their  fa- 
vourite governor  rather  as  a  sovereign  prince  than  a 
destitute  fugitive.  The  parliament  passed  an  act 
for  his  protection ;  and  further  decreed,  that  whoever 
should  attempt  to  disturb  him  or  his  adherents,  under 
pretence  of  writs  from  England,  should  be  deemed 
guilty  of  high-treason.  An  agent  of  Ormond  violated 
the  law,  and  was  immediately  executed.  Several 
laws,  equally  designed  for  the  duke's  service,  were 
passed  with  the  utmost  enthusiasm  ;  and  the  prince, 
who,  a  short  time  before,  wanted  a  refuge,  now 
found  himself  in  possession  of  a  kingdom. 

Edward  Earl  of  March,  the  duke's  eldest  son,  had 
followed  his  father  into  Ireland,  but  was  soon  sum- 
moned to  Calais,  where  the  Yorkists,  headed  by 
the  Earls  of  Warwick  and  Salisbury,  had  prepared 
a  mighty  armament.  They  passed  into  England  ; 
and  having  obtained  a  great  victory  at  Northampton, 
invited  the  duke  to  come  over  and  head  his  partisans 
in  person.  On  this  occasion  the  attachment  of 
his  Irish  adherents  was  eminently  displayed.  They 
crowded  to  his  standard  with  the  utmost  zeal;  and 
the  district  of  Meath,  in  particular,  was  almost  de- 
serted by  the  English  settlers,  who  hasted  to  enrol 
themselves  under  the  banners  of  the  white  rose. 
With  a  gallant  train  of  devoted  followers  Richard 
returned  to  London ;  but  Margaret  unexpectedly 
renewed  the  war,  and  attacked  the  duke  before  he 
could  make  adequate  preparations.  With  only  five 
thousand  men,  mostly  his  Irish  adherents,  he  was 
encountered  at  Wakefield  by  an  army  four  times 


126  HISTORY   OF   IRELAND. 

more  numerous  than  his  own,  and,  in  this  unequal 
contest,  fell  with  the  greater  part  of  his  followers. 

This  battle  in  its  consequences  proved  fatal  to 
the  English  interests.  The  best  and  bravest  of  the 
settlers  had  accompanied  their  beloved  governor,  and 
shared  his  fate.  The  Irish  septs  seized  on  the  dis- 
tricts now  stripped  of  their  defenders  ;  and  the  colo- 
nists were  forced  to  purchase  a  precarious  security, 
by  paying  a  heavy  tribute  to  the  toparchs  in  their 
neighbourhood.  The  Earl  of  Kildare  was  chosen 
by  the  Irish  privy  council  to  administer  the  govern- 
ment until  a  new  lord-deputy  was  appointed.  He 
preserved  the  country  tranquil  during  the  brief 
struggle  between  Henry  VI.  and  Edward  IV.,  which 
terminated  in  favour  of  the  house  of  York.  One 
of  Edward's  first  acts  was  to  appoint  his  brother 
George  Duke  of  Clarence  to  the  government  of 
Ireland,  and  to  reward  the  fidelity  of  his  adherents 
in  that  kingdom  by  elevating  the  leaders  to  the 
peerage.  Clarence  appointed  Fitz-Eustace,  now 
created  Lord  Portlester,  his  deputy.  His  former 
administration  had  been  characterized  by  vigour  and 
talent — qualities  again  imperatively  required  by  the 
struggle  which  the  Butlers  were  about  to  make  for 
the  house  of  Lancaster.  The  Earl  of  Ormond, 
whom  the  late  king  had  raised  to  the  English  peer- 
age by  the  title  of  Earl  of  Wiltshire,  had  been  seized 
and  beheaded  by  the  triumphant  Yorkists;  but  his 
brothers  and  retainers  were  nothing  daunted  by  his 
fate :  they  resolved  not  to  mourn,  but  revenge  it. 
Being  joined  by  some  Irish  septs,  and  a  great  num- 
ber of  Lancastrian  fugitives  from  England,  they 
formed  a  party  too  numerous  for  the  troops  of  the 
deputy,  who  was  forced  to  rely  for  success  on  the 
exertions  of  the  Earl  of  Desmond.  The  hostility 
at  this  time  between  the  Gevaldines  and  the  Butlers 
was  continually  manifested  by  predatory  incursions; 
and  the  eastern  counties  of  Minister  were  inces- 
ftantly  disturbed  by  the  war-cries  of  the  contending 


HISTORY    OV   IRELAND.  127 

(actions.  The  Geraldines  of  Kildare  took  for  their 
warison  Croom-aboo,  from  the  Castle  of  Croom,  in 
the  county  of  Limerick,  where  the  chief  resided. 
The  Geraldines  of  Desmond  shouted  Shannatt-aboo, 
from  the  Castle  of  Shannatt,  in  the  same  county, 
where  the  earl  maintained  a  kind  of  barbarous  court. 
The  Butlers'  war-cry  was  the  name  of  their  sept ; 
and  Butler-aboo  was  the  cognizance  of  the  troops  in 
the  palatinate  of  Ormond,  which  included  the  coun- 
ties of  Kilkenny  and  Tipperary.  In  the  long  con- 
test that  was  maintained  by  these  rival  septs,  »he 
Geraldines  were  honourably  distinguished  by  daunt 
less  valour,  and  a  daring  heroism  which  bordered 
upon  rashness.  The  Butlers,  less  valiant  in  the 
field,  were  more  prudent  in  council.  Artful,  steady 
in  purpose,  crafty  in  intrigue,  they  frequently  gained 
the  fruits  of  victory  after  the  severest  defeat ;  and 
finally  destroyed  the  gallant  house  of  Desmond  by 
cunning  and  fraudful  policy.  The  O'Briens  of 
Thomond,  whose  war-cry  was  the  imposing  sen- 
tence, "  Lamh-laider-aboe"  (the  cause  of  the  strong 
hand),  sometimes  joined  one  and  sometimes  the 
other  of  these  factions ;  but,  even  when  allies,  they 
feared  to  trust  the  Butlers.  "  Fair  and  false  like 
those  of  Ormond,"  was  a  proverbial  expression 
with  the  sept,  which  is  still  preserved,  though  the 
cause  is  forgotten. 

While  on  this  subject,  it  may  not  be  amiss  to 
mention  some  few  particulars  of  these  baronial  wars : 
— The  general  war-cry  of  the  native  Irish  was  "  Far- 
rah!  Farrah!"  an  exclamation  of  encouragement. 
The  gathering  cries  of  the  different  chiefs  were  taken 
either  from  their  cognizance,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
O'Briens  whose  crest  is  a  naked  arm  holding  a  sword, 
or  from  some  accidental  circumstance,  as  in  the  in- 
stance of  the  Geraldines.  The  other  most  remark- 
able warisons  were  of  the  O'Neals,  "  Lamh-dearg- 
aboe"  (the  cause  of  the  red  or  bloody  hand),  from 
their  cognizance ;  of  the  Fitz-Patricks, "  Gear-laidir 


128  HISTORY    OF   IRELAND. 

aboe"  (the  cause  of  the  strong  and  sharp),  from  the 
same  circumstance ;  and  of  the  De  Burghos  "  Gal- 
riagh-aboe"  (the  cause  of  the  Red  Englishman),  in 
honour  of  the  second  Earl  of  Ulster,  who  was  com- 
monly called  the  "  Red  Earl,"  and  looked  upon  as 
the  founder  of  the  prosperity  of  the  De  Burghos. 
The  Irish  and  baronial  cavalry  were  mounted  on 
small  but  active  horses,  called  hobbies.  They 
formed  part  of  the  forces  with  which  Edward  invaded 
France,  and  were  found  very  useful  as  light  troops. 
The  Irish  hobellers  are  frequently  mentioned  in  the 
early  English  chronicles,  and  praised  highly  for  their 
daring  and  activity.  They  wore  scarcely  any  defen- 
sive armour,  and  used  short  spears  and  sabres,  or 
battle-axes.  They  could  not,  of  course,  stand  for  a 
moment  against  the  charge  of  the  mail-clad  Norman 
chivalry;  but  they  could  act  efficiently  in  a  difficult 
country  where  the  others  would  be  wholly  useless, 
encumbered  by  the  weight  of  their  armour,  and  un- 
able to  manage  their  heavy  steeds.  There  were 
two  kinds  of  infantry ;  the  galloglasses  (a  corruption 
of  "  gall-oglach,"  English  servant),  a  heavy-armed 
infantry;  they  wore  an  iron  headpiece,  a  coat  of  de- 
fence studded  with  nails,  and  bore  a  sword  and 
broad  axe.  The  light  troops  were  named  kernes ; 
they  used  no  defensive  armour  but  the  headpiece, 
and  their  weapons  were  a  retractile  javelin  and  a 
long  knife  called  a  skene.  In  the  wars  of  Edward 
III.  and  Henry  V.  several  troops  of  kernes  were 
employed  in  the  invasion  of  France.  They  per- 
formed the  useful  but  not  very  honourable  service 
of  cutting  the  throats  of  those  knights  and  men-at- 
arms  who  were  overthrown  in  the  combat ;  and  the 
Irish  skene  was  more  dreaded  by  the  French  knights 
than  the  lances  of  the  English.  The  arbitrary  ex- 
actions by  which  these  irregular  armies  were  sup- 
ported have  been  already  mentioned.  It  is  only 
necessary  to  add,  that  robbery  was  considered  hon- 
ourable bv  tbn.se  soldiers,  since  plunder  enabled 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  129 

them  to  avoid  becoming  burdens  to  their  chieftain 
and  their  friends. 

The  war  maintained  by  Desmond  against  the  But- 
lers was  desultory  and  of  varied  fortunes ;  but  the 
Lancastrian  fugitives  from  England  were  found  of 
little  service  to  their  Irish  allies.  They  could  not 
bear  the  fatigues  of  inarches  through  bogp  and 
mountains  ;  they  eagerly  desired  to  try  their  fortune 
in  the  open  field,  and  prevailed  on  their  leader  to 
accept  the  challenge  of  Desmond.  The  battle  was 
fought  near  Wexford;  and  the  overwhelming  num- 
bers of  the  Geraldines  afforded  them  an  easy  victory. 
Kilkenny  and  the  other  towns  belonging  to  Orniond 
were  soon  after  seized  and  plundered ;  the  Butlers 
were  driven  from  their  ancient  possessions,  and 
forced  to  seek  safety  in  their  mountain-forts  and 
fastnesses.  As  a  reward  for  this  service  Desmond 
was  created  lord-deputy — an  office  for  which  he  was 
every  way  unfitted.  In  his  first  expedition  against 
the  Irish  septs,  who  had  seized  on  the  settlements 
in  Meath,  he  was  taken  prisoner,  but  was  soon  lib- 
erated by  O'Connor  of  Ofally,  who  had  been  always 
a  zealous  partisan  of  the  Geraldines.  Equally  in- 
glorious was  the  termination  of  the  war  with  the 
O'Briens  of  Thomond.  On  the  advance  of  this  sept 
and  some  others  beyond  the  marches,  Desmond 
could  find  no  better  method  of  securing  the  Pale 
than  purchasing  the  forbearance  of  the  invaders  by 
a  promise  of  regular  tribute.  An  unsuccessful  at- 
tempt to  remove  the  lord-deputy  being  defeated  by 
the  partiality  of  the  king,  he  was  encouraged  to  pur- 
sue his  career  of  headlong  extravagance  ;  but  though 
permitted  to  plunder  and  spoil  the  people  at  his  will, 
Desmond  was  destined  to  find  that  royal  failings 
could  not  be  mocked  with  impunity.  On  the  mar- 
riage of  the  king  with  Elizabeth  Grey,  Desmond  in- 
cautiously ridiculed  the  meanness  of  the  lady's  ori- 
gin. His  watchful  enemies  transmitted  the  news  to 
England,  and  the  queen  immediately  resolved  on  m* 

I. — K 


130  HISTORY    OF   IRELAND. 

destruction.  Tiptoft  Earl  of  Worcester  was  soon 
sent  over  to  Ireland  as  lord-deputy  ;  and  he  was  se- 
cretly instructed  to  examine  his  predecessor's  con- 
duct with  the  greatest  strictness,  and  to  punish  him 
with  the  utmost  rigour  if  any  charge  could  be  estab- 
lished. A  new  parliament  was  summoned,  which, 
with  the  usual  servility  of  Irish  parliaments,  was 
ready  to  sanction  any  measure  that  their  rulers 
would  propose.  Several  acts  were  passed,  indirectly 
condemning  the  conduct  of  the  late  governor,  and, 
among  others,  one  against  paying  tribute  to  the  Irish, 
which  every  one  of  its  supporters  was  notoriously 
violating  at  the  moment.  Another  act  of  this  parlia- 
ment is  too  important  to  be  omitted.  It  declared  that 
the  Kings  of  England  held  the  lordship  of  Ireland  by 
a  direct  grant  from  the  holy  see  ;  and  therefore  di- 
rected that  all  archbishops  and  bishops  of  Ireland, 
on  a  monition  of  forty  days,  should  excommunicate 
all  disobedient  subjects  as  heretics. 

The  parliament  was  then  adjourned  to  Drogheda, 
and  deeming  it  unnecessary  to  dissemble  any  longer, 
they  hurried  through  both  houses  an  act  "for  at- 
tainting of  treason  the  Earls  of  Kildare  and  Des- 
mond, with  Edward  Plunket,  Esq.,  for  alliance,  fos- 
tering, and  alterage  with  the  king's  Irish  enemies," 
&c.  Kildare  was  arrested,  but  luckily  made  his 
escape  to  England.  Desmond,  confiding  in  his  in- 
nocence or  his  power,  came  boldly  to  the  chief 
governor  to  justify  his  conduct.  He  was  imme- 
diately seized,  and  without  the  formality  of  a  tria. 
hurried  to  instant  execution. 

This  monstrous  act  of  tyranny  and  injustice  did 
not  remain  long  unpunished.  Kildare  so  effectually 
justified  himself  to  Edward,  that  he  was  not  only 
restored  to  his  title  and  estates,  but  appointed  lord- 
deputy;  and  Tiptoft  was  recalled  into  England, 
where,  in  a  new  revolution,  he  suffered  the  same 
fate  which  he  had  inflicted  on  Desmond. 
The  administration  of  Kildare  was  distinguished 


HISTORY   OF   IRELAND.  131 

by  the  institution  of  a  military  order  for  the  defence 
of  the  Pale,  called  the  Fraternity  of  St.  George.  It 
consisted  of  thirteen  great  proprietors,  one  hundred 
and  twenty  mounted  archers,  forty  knights,  and  as 
many  esquires.  To  show  their  attachment  to  Eng- 
land, they  assembled  annually  on  St.  George's  day 
in  Dublin,  and  elected  a  captain.  It  is  evident  that 
a  force  consisting  of  thirteen  officers  and  two  hun- 
dred soldiers  would  have  been  unable  to  resist  any 
general  effort  of  the  native  Irish ;  and,  consequently, 
it  appears  that  all  idea  of  a  national  resistance  was 
abandoned,  and  that  the  settlers  had  only  to  dread 
predatory  expeditions  and  tumultuous  incursions. 

The  depression  of  the  house  of  Ormond  did  not 
long  continue.  John,  the  eldest  surviving  brother 
of  the  late  earl,  contrived  to  obtain  the  favour  of  his 
sovereign,  and  even  his  personal  friendship.  The 
partisans  of  the  Butlers  formed  cabals  against  Kil- 
dare,  and  forwarded  complaints  to  England,  which 
the  heir  of  Ormond  supported  with  all  his  influence. 
The  earl  was  soon  removed  from  the  government, 
which  was  transferred  to  his  personal  enemy  the 
Bishop  of  Meath.  A  parliament  was  assembled, 
which  immediately  repealed  the  acts  of  attainder 
against  the  Butlers,  and  restored  the  heir  of  Ormond 
to  his  titles  and  estates. 

The  Butlers  and  Geraldines  soon  renewed  their 
former  feuds.  The  war-cries  of  Croom-aboo  and 
Butler-aboo  were  raised  in  every  quarter ;  and  there 
was  reason  to  dread  that  the  entire  Pale  would  be 
involved  in  the  quarrel  of  these  great  rivals.  Ed- 
ward sent  over  a  commission  to  the  Archbishop  of 
Armagh,  to  act  as  mediator  between  the  parties 
but  the  discord  was  too  fierce  to  be  so  easily  al- 
layed. Fortunately,  superstition  proved  more  effi- 
cacious than  the  royal  mandate.  Ormond  suddenly 
resolved  to  undertake  a  pilgrimage  to  the  Holy  Sep- 
ulchre, and  quitted  the  country.  Kildare  ended  hi» 


132  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

life  shortly  after;  and  when  the  chiefs  were  removed, 
their  followers  tacitly  agreed  on  a  truce. 

The  Geraldines  seem  about  this  time  to  have  be- 
come the  prevailing  faction  ;  for  we  find  Gerald,  the 
young  Earl  of  Kildare,  appointed  lord-deputy,  and 
retaining  his  power  in  defiance  of  the  king,  when 
Lord  Grey  was  appointed  his  successor.  After  a 
vigorous  contest,  in  which  each  party  summoned  a 
parliament,  the  viceroy  appointed  by  the  king  was 
forced  to  yield.  Lord  Gormanstown  was  appointed 
lord-deputy,  and  he  soon  resigned  in  favour  of  the 
Earl  of  Kildare.  The  earl  strengthened  himself  by 
forming  a  matrimonial  alliance  with  the  chief  of  the 
O'Nials,  to  whose  son  he  save  his  daughter  in  mar- 
riage ;  and  the  influence  which  he  thus  obtained  with 
the  native  Irish  enabled  him  to  preserve  the  country 
in  peace  during  the  remainder  of  Edward's  life,  and 
the  short  and  troubled  reign  of  Richard  III. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

From  the  Accession  of  Hinry  YH.  to  the  Refnrmnfion. 

THE  accession  of  Henry  VII.  was  an  event  that 
threatened  to  destroy  the  power  of  the  Yorkists  in 
Ireland  ;  but,  to  the  surprise  of  everybody,  Kildaie 
was  continued  in  the  government,  and  his  adherents 
permitted  to  retain  the  great  offices  of  state.  There 
was  no  person  in  Ireland  to  control  the  pride  of  the 
potent  earl.  His  great  rival  Ormond,  having  be^n 
restored  to  the  title  of  Earl  of  Wiltshire,  resided  ni 
England,  and  became  a  member  of  the  privy  coun- 
cil. Dfsmond  resided  in  his  own  principality;  and 
if  he  paid  any  attention  to  the  concerns  of  the  Pals, 
it  was  to  aid  the  deputv  in  extending  tlip  influent1* 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  1-33 

of  the  Geraldines.  The  De  Burghos  had  become 
virtually  an  Irish  sept,  and  no  longer  regarded  the 
colonists  as  brethren. 

The  bane  of  Henry's  government  in  England  was 
his  jealousy  of  the  partisans  of  the  house  of  York. 
He  unwisely  kept  up  the  distinction  of  party,  which 
would  have  soon  sunk  into  oblivion  ;  and  the  cruelty 
with  which  he  treated  his  queen,  for  no  other  cause 
but  her  descent  from  the  family  of  his  former  rivals, 
convinced  the  lovers  of  Edward's  memory  that  the 
king  was  their  deadly  enemy.  Rumours  of  plots 
and  conspiracies  were  spread  abroad.  It  was  said 
that  Richard  III.  had  not  succeeded  in  murdering 
both  his  nephews ;  that  Richard  Duke  of  York  had 
escaped,  and  would  soon  appear  in  Ireland  among 
the  devoted  friends  of  his  house.  Alarmed  by  these 
reports,  the  king  summoned  Kildare  to  appear  at 
court,  and  give  an  account  of  his  administration; 
but  the  earl  was  not  to  be  caught  so  easily.  H.J 
saw  that  this  artifice  was  designed  for  his  destruc 
tion,  and  took  his  measures  accordingly.  Summon 
ing  an  assembly  of  the  peers,  he  laid  the  royal  man 
date  before  them,  which  he  professed  the  utmost 
anxiety  to  obey ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  he  secretly 
contrived  that  the  barons  should  present  a  remon 
strance,  declaring  his  departure  inconsistent  wit! 
the  safety  of  the  reaim.  The  earl  forwarded  thi* 
instrument  to  England  ;  and  the  king,  unwilling  to 
avow  his  suspicions,  affected  to  be  satisfied. 

The  imposture  of  Simnel  soon  proved  that  Henrj 
had  just  grounds  for  caution.  This  young  man  wa? 
taught  by  a  priest  to  personate  the  Earl  of  War- 
wick, then  a  prisoner  in  the  Tower.  The  detection 
of  such  a  fraud  in  England  would  have  been  easy. 
Warwick  was  still  alive,  and  his  person  was  known 
to  most  of  the  nobility,  who  had  frequently  met  him 
at  the  court  of  Edward.  It  was  therefore  resolved 
to  make  the  experiment  in  Ireland ;  and  there  was 
another  reason  for  selecting  that  country.  War- 


134  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND 

wick's  father,  the  late  Duke  of  Clarence,  was  bom 
in  Dublin,  and  the  Irish,  it  was  hoped,  would  readily 
support  the  son  of  their  countryman  (A.  I).  1487). 
The  success  of  this  attempt  surprised  the  contrivers 
themselves.  Kildare  received  the  impostor  as  his 
lawful  sovereign,  surrounded  him  with  all  the  pomp 
of  royalty,  and  proclaimed  him  king  in  Dublin,  under 
the  title  of  Edward  VI.  The  enthusiasm  with  which 
the  impostor's  claims  were  acknowledged  seems  like 
a  national  insanity.  Throughout  Ireland  none  were 
found  to  impugn  this  title  but  the  Butlers,  the  Ber- 
rniiighams,  and  the  citizens  of  Waterford.  He  was 
solemnly  crowned  in  the  cathedral  of  Dublin,  with  a 
diadem  taken  from  a  statue  of  the  Madonna;  and, 
.immediately  after,  his  writs  to  summon  a  parliament 
met  with  general  obedience.  The  arrival  of  some 
German  auxiliaries  from  F'nnders,  commanded  by 
Martin  Swart,  filled  the  partisans  of  Simnel  with 
such  confidence  that  they  determined  to  invade 
England.  The  deputy's  two  brothers  were  appointed 
to  lead  the  Irish  forces ;  and  on  their  landing  in 
England,  they  were  joined  by  the  Earl  of  Lincoln, 
Lord  Lovel,  Sir  Thomas  Broughton,  and  some  other 
persons  of  distinction.  The  invaders  directed  their 
course  to  York,  but  were  disappointed  in  their  hope 
of  raising  the  country.  The  English  have  ever 
shown  a  proper  jealousy  of  foreigners  ;  and  the  peo- 
ple generally  dreaded  the  fortune  that  had  hitherto 
attended  all  the  opponents  of  Henry.  Simnel's 
army,  while  hastening  to  attack  Newark,  were  met 
by  the  royal  forces  at  the  village  of  Stoke,  in  the 
county  of  Nottingham.  The  engagement  was  long 
doubtful,  though  the  army  of  Henry  was  far  superior 
to  that  of  his  adversaries,  both  in  quantity  and  quality. 
The  Irish,  being  most.'y  light  armed,  in  vain  made  the 
most  desperate  efforts  to  break  through  the  iron  lines 
of  their  opponents  ;  they  were  driven  back,  charged 
in  their  turn,  and  thrown  into  remediless  confusion. 
But,  though  rou'^d.  they  disdained  to  fly ;  each  re- 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  135 

sisted  singly,  and  fell  overwhelmed  by  numbers. 
Four  thousand  of  the  rebels,  including  the  principal 
leaders,  fell  in  this  bloody  engagement.  Simnel  and 
his  tutor  were  made  prisoners.  Henry,  with  af- 
fected magnanimity,  spared  the  life  of  the  impostor, 
and  made  him  a  scullion  in  the  royal  kitchen ;  the 
priest  by  whom  he  had  been  instructed  was  treated 
more  harshly,  being  sentenced  to  perpetual  im- 
prisonment. 

Though  Henry  was  naturally  inclined  to  punish 
severely  the  Irish  partisans  of  Simnel,  the  state  of 
Ireland  compelled  him  to  restrain  his  indignation. 
The  barons,  who  had  supported  the  impostor,  were 
the  defenders  of  the  English  interest;  and  if  they 
were  destroyed  the  country  must  again  revert  to  the 
native  Irish.  Henry,  therefore,  contented  himself 
with  rewarding  his  friends,  deferring  the  punishment 
of  his  enemies  to  a  more  favourable  opportunity.  He 
sent  a  letter,  written  with  his  own  hand,  to  the  citi- 
zens of  Waterford,  thanking  them  for  their  fidelity; 
and  at  the  same  time  he  graciously  received  the 
deputies  from  Dublin,  and  readily  granted  a  general 
pardon.  To  secure  the  fidelity  of  his  repentant  sub- 
jects, he  sent  Sir  Richard  Edgecombe  to  Ireland, 
with  a  train  of  five  hundred  men,  to  receive  anew  the 
oaths  of  allegiance,  and  take  under  the  royal  pro- 
tection all  who  gave  assurance  of  their  loyalty. 
Edgecombe  arrived  in  Kinsale,  and  received  the  sub- 
mission of  the  neighbouring  barons.  He  then  pro- 
ceeded coastwise  to  Dublin,  and  was  welcomed  by 
the  magistrates  with  apparent  submission.  It  was 
not  so  easy  to  prevail  on  Kildare  to  perform  homage. 
He  invented  several  pretexts  for  delay ;  and  when  all 
these  failed,  he  appears  to  have  intended  a  religious 
fraud  to  save  him  from  being  bound  by  the  oath  of 
allegiance. 

It  is  not  universally  known,  that  in  the  Romish 
church  the  intention  of  the  officiating  priest  is  held 
necessary  to  the  perfection  of  a  sacrament.  If,  then, 


136  HISTORY    OF    IRKLAND. 

the  Host  on  which  the  Irish  lords  should  tie  swom 
was  consecrated  by  a  priest  on  whom  they  could 
prevail  to  withhold  his  intention,  transnbstantiation 
would  not  take  place  ;  the  wafer  would  still  be  sim- 
ply bread,  and  the  whole  an  idle  ceremony,  which 
imposed  no  religious  obligation.  It  was  not  without 
difficulty  that  Edgecombe,  who  suspected  the  fraud, 
prevailed  on  Kildare  to  permit  the  Host  to  be  conse- 
crated by  his  own  private  chaplain. 

Soon  after,  Kildare  and  several  of  the  Irish  no- 
bility came  over  to  England,  and  did  homage  to  the 
king  in  person.  They  were  magnificently  enter- 
tained by  Henry  at  Greenwich ;  but  had  the  morti- 
fication to  see  their  former  idol  Simnel  waiting  as 
butler  at  table. 

Kildare  on  his  return  continued  to  exercise  all 
his  former  authority,  and  preserved  the  Pale  in 
greater  tranquillity  than  it  had  enjoyed  for  a  long 
time.  In  the  south,  the  Geraldines  of  Desmond 
extended  their  territories  at  the  expense  of  their 
neighbours  the  MacArthys  and  O'Carrolls,  whom 
they  severely  defeated.  In  the  north,  O'Nial,  the 
brother-in-law  of  the  deputy,  declared  war  against 
the  chieftain  of  Tyrconnell.  The  diplomatic  cor- 
respondence between  these  petty  princes,  before  the 
declaration  of  war,  evinces  a  Spartan  spirit  worthy 
of  a  nobler  contest.  O'Nial  wrote, "  Send  me  tribute, 
ttr  else — ."  To  which  the  other  replied,  "  /  owe  you 
none;  and  if- — ."  The  war  that  followed  produced 
no  incident  of  importance  ;  but  it  terminated  to  the 
disadvantage  of  the  O'Nials. 

Walter  Archbishop  of  Dublin  and  the  Earl  of 
Ormond  had  been  long  engaged  in  a  series  of  in- 
trigues to  remove  Kildare  from  the  government,  and 
finally  succeeded.  The  archbishop  was  appointed 
in  his  place,  and  the  office  of  lord-treasurer  was 
bestowed  on  Sir  James  Ormond,  a  natural  son  of 
that  earl,  who  had  died  on  his  pilgrimage.  Imme- 
diate measures  were  taken  to  depress  the  Geraldip"* 


HISTORY   OF   IRELAND.  137 

which  oi  course  readily  met  the  sanction  of  a  servile 
parliament.  The  attainders  against  the  Butlers  and 
their  adherents  were  reversed,  and  an  act  passed  for 
the  resumption  of  all  grants  made  since  the  first  year 
of  King  Henry  VI. 

While  the  Geraldines  were  smarting  under  these 
wrongs,  an  adventurer,  claiming  to  be  Richard  Duke 
of  York,  son  of  Edward  IV.,  arrived  in  Cork.  This 
is  not  the  place  to  examine  the  validity  of  Perkin 
Warbeck's  claims.  It  is  difficult  to  prove  that  he 
was  the  prince ;  it  is  equally  difficult  to  demonstrate 
that  he  was  an  impostor ;  on  the  whole,  the  present 
writer  inclines  to  believe  that  his  pretensions  were 
well  founded.  Warbeck  wrote  from  Cork  to  the 
Earls  of  Kildare  and  Desmond;  he  was  cheerfully 
recognised  by  the  latter;  but  before  Kildare  could 
decide  on  the  part  he  should  take,  the  adventurer 
was  summoned  to  the  French  court,  and  immediately 
accepted  the  invitation.  The  king  sent  for  Walter, 
the  lord-deputy,  to  inquire  into  the  state  of  a  country 
that  seemed  at  every  moment  ripe  for  revolution; 
and  after  some  deliberation  he  resolved  to  confide 
the  administration  of  Ireland  to  Sir  Edward  Poyn- 
ings,  a  knight  of  distinguished  ability.  He  was  sent 
over  to  Ireland  v/ith  an  army  of  one  thousand  men. 
Several  of  the  best  English  lawyers  accompanied 
him,  to  fill  the  offices  of  judges  ;  for  those  who  then 
occupied  the  bench  were  notorious  for  their  inca- 
pacity, and  owed  their  elevation  to  the  favour  of 
parties. 

A.  D.  1494. — The  administration  of  Sir  Edward 
Poynings  forms  a  new  era  in  the  history  of  Ireland. 
For  the  first  time,  the  government  began  to  manifest 
the  fixed  intention  of  breaking  down  the  enormous 
power  of  the  barons,  and  restraining  within  proper 
limits  a  factious  oligarchy,  whirh  frequently  insulted 
the  sovereign,  and  always  oppressed  the  people. 
The  first  military  enterprise  of  the  lord-deputy  was 
against  the  northern  sept  of  O'Hanlons,  whose  incur 
I.— L 


138  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

sions  had  been  very  frequent  and  injurious.  The 
difficulties  of  the  country  rendered  the  superior  forces 
of  the  English  useless;  and  Poynings  would  have 
been  forced  to  retire  in  disgrace  had  not  the  rash- 
ness of  the  Geraldines  furnished  him  with  an  hon- 
ourable pretext  for  withdrawing.  The  brother  of 
the  Earl  of  Kildare  seized  on  the  castle  of  Carlow, 
and  garrisoned  it  with  his  own  retainers.  Kildare 
was  immediately  arrested  on  suspicion;  and  the 
deputy,  advancing  to  Carlow,  soon  forced  the  castle 
to  surrender. 

A  parliament  was  now  summoned,  in  which  seve- 
ral very  useful  and  important  laws  were  enacted ; 
but  one,  well  known  to  Irishmen  by  the  name  of 
Poynings's  Law,  more  particularly  demands  our  at- 
tention. This  statute  enacted  that  no  parliament 
should  be  held  in  Ireland  until  the  lord-lieutenant 
and  privy  council  had  first  certified  to  the  king  in 
council  in  England  the  causes  and  considerations  of 
its  being  assembled,  and  all  such  acts  as  seemed  to 
them  necessary  to  pass;  and  that  these  had  been 
approved  by  the  sovereign,  and  his  license  for  the 
affirmation  of  these  acts,  as  well  as  for  the  holding 
of  parliament,  had  been  obtained.  This  act  was 
afterward  confirmed  and  extended  in  the  reign  of 
Mary,  where  it  will  be  more  convenient  to  discuss 
its  policy  and  effects.  It  is  sufficient  to  say  here 
that  its  immediate  consequences  were  highly  bene- 
ficial, since  it  armed  the  government  with  additional 
power  to  restrain  the  excesses  of  the  oligarchy. 

Warbeck  now  made  a  second  descent  on  Ireland 
and  was  openly  assisted  by  the  Earl  of  Desmond . 
but  being  defeated  before  Waterford,  the  unhappy 
adventurer  fled  to  the  King  of  Scotland.  The  But- 
lers thought  this  an  excellent  opportunity  to  crush 
their  great  rival  the  Earl  of  Kildare.  They  inipor 
tuned  the  deputy  to  imitate  the  example  of  Tiptoft, 
and  consign  him  to  the  executioner.  But  Poynings 
was  too  wise  and  too  good  to  listen  to  these  treach 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  139 

erous  suggestions.  He  refused  their  solicitations, 
and  sent  the  earl  to  England  to  answer  for  his  con- 
duct in  presence  of  his  sovereign. 

The  emissaries  of  the  Butlers  were  not  idle  in 
the  court  of  Henry.  They  besieged  the  king  with 
all  manner  of  calumnies  and  accusations  against  the 
accused ;  but  they  were  not  a  little  confounded  when 
Henry  directed  that  the  earl  should  be  brought  to 
confront  his  accusers.  Great  was  the  king's  aston- 
ishment to  behold,  instead  of  a  crafty  conspirator,  a 
frank,  blunt  soldier,  of  manners  so  simple  that  they 
bordered  on  rudeness,  and  of  a  demeanour  so  easy 
and  confident,  that  it  could  only  be  supported  by  con- 
scious innocence.  Henry  advised  the  earl  to  provide 
himself  with  able  counsel.  "  Yea,"  replied  Kildare, 
grasping  the  king  by  the  hand,  "  I  choose  the  ablest 
in  the  realm  ;  I  take  your  highness  to  be  my  counsel 
against  these  false  knaves."  Gratified  by  this  rude 
compliment  to  his  equity  and  discernment,  Henry 
looked  with  favour  on  the  accused,  and  coldly  lis- 
tened to  the  long  catalogue  of  suspicions  and  sur- 
mises which  his  adversaries  brought  forward.  The 
charge  of  treason  was  decisively  refuted,  the  greater 
part  of  the  others  were  found  to  be  frivolous  and 
vexatious ;  at  length  the  accusers  alleged  that  he  had 
sacrilegiously  burned  the  church  of  Cashel.  "  Spare 
your  evidence,"  exclaimed  Kildare,  "  I  did  burn  the 
church,  for  I  thought  the  bishop  had  been  in  it." 
This  extraordinary  justification  produced  a  shout 
of  laughter,  which  threw  ridicule  over  the  whole 
proceeding.  Driven  almost  to  despair,  the  accusers 
exclaimed,  "  All  Ireland  cannot  govern  this  earl." 
— "  Well,  then,"  replied  Henry,  "  he  shall  govern  alt 
Ireland !" — and  forthwith  he  appointed  him  lord 
deputy. 

Kildare  repaid  the  confidence  of  his  sovereign  by 
the  zeal,  energy,  and  fidelity  which  he  displayed  in 
his  administration.  The  boundaries  of  the  Pale, 
which  had  been  gradually  narrowing  during  the  pre- 


140  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

ceding  half-century,  were  now  enlarged;  and  severe, 
septs  whose  forbearance  had  been  purchased  by 
tribute  were  forced  to  submission.  He  endeavoured 
to  effect  a  reconciliation  with  his  rival  of  Ormond; 
but  unfortunately  the  train  that  accompanied  the 
chief  of  the  Butlers  to  Dublin  on  the  occasion  be- 
came involved  in  a  quarrel  with  the  citizens,  and 
though  the  deputy  successfully  interfered  to  protect 
his  rival,  yet  Ormond  could  not  conceal  his  angry 
suspicions.  After  a  long,  but  not  satisfactory  inter- 
view, the  earls  parted  with  mutual  professions  of 
attachment,  but  with  more  than  their  former  ani- 
mosity, not  the  less  violent  because  it  was  concealed. 
The  deputy  soon  after  engaged  in  a  war  of  very 
questionable  policy.  He  had  given  his  daughter  in 
marriage  to  Ulick  de  Burgho  of  Clanricarde,  the  head 
of  a  powerful  sept  of  degenerate  English  in  Con- 
naught  ;  and  having  heard  that  she  was  badly  treated 
by  her  husband,  he  determined  to  use  the  royal 
army  as  an  instrument  of  vengeance.  Clanricarde, 
nothing  daunted  by  the  po\ver  of  his  enemies,  boldly 
prepared  for  resistance,  and  obtained  the  aid  of  the 
O'Briens  and  other  septs  of  Minister.  Kilclare  was 
joined  by  the  nobles  of  the  Pale,  the  numerous  re- 
tainers of  all  the  Geraldines,  and  the  northern 
1  O'Nials.  The  armies  met  at  Knocktow,  near  Gal- 
way,  and  the  deputy  obtained  a  decisive  victory. 
The  triumph  was  stained  by  the  cruelty  of  the  con- 
querors, who  sternly  refused  to  grant  quarter,  and 
continued  the  massacre  until  forced  to  desist  by  fa- 
tigue and  darkness.  The  hostility  of  the  most  an- 
cient settlers  to  the  aboriginal  inhabitants  of  the 
country  seems  not  to  have  abated  with  the  lapse  of 
time.  After  the  battle  of  Knocktow,  Lord  Gormans- 
town,  in  all  the  insolence  of  success,  said  to  Kilclare, 
"  We  have  slaughtered  our  enemies ;  but  to  complete 
the  good  deed,  we  should  cut  the  throats  of  the  Irish 
by  whom  we  have  been  assisted."  This  feeling,  how. 
over,  was  not  general.  Several  of  the  English  fami- 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  141 

Ees,  but  especially  the  Geraldines  and  De  Burghos, 
were  closely  connected  with  different  Irish  princes 
by  numerous  intermarriages ;  and  we  find  the  native 
annalists  of  this  period  recording  the  exploits  ol 
some  nobles  of  the  Pale  with  the  same  enthusiasm 
as  the  deeds  of  their  own  toparchs.  The  victory  of 
Knocktow  reduced  Connaught  to  obedience  ;  and  the 
O'Nials  and  O'Briens  were  almost  the  only  septs 
which  continued  to  withhold  their  allegiance. 

The  accession  of  Henry  VIII.  produced  no  imme- 
diate change  in  the  government  of  Ireland.  Kildare, 
whose  services  had  been  rewarded  by  the  Order  of 
the  Garter,  was  continued  as  deputy,  and  daily  ex- 
tended the  English  influence  (A.  D.  1513).  So  great 
was  the  confidence  reposed  in  this  gallant  nobleman, 
that  on  his  death  the  army  suddenly  dispersed,  and 
there  was  every  reason  to  dread  a  new  series  of  tu- 
mults. This  was  fortunately  prevented  by  the  privy 
council.  They  met  in  a  hurry,  and  unanimously 
elected  Gerald,  the  young  Earl  of  Kildare,  deputy, 
until  the  royal  pleasure  could  be  known ;  and  this 
nomination  was  confirmed  in  England.  Gerald  in- 
herited the  valour  of  his  illustrious  family,  but  unfor- 
tunately a  more  than  ordinary  share  of  their  charac- 
teristic pride  and  imprudence.  He  was  soon  called 
on  to  display  his  military  skill,  by  a  dangerous  insur- 
rection of  the  Irish,  whom  some  fabricated  prophe- 
cies had  stimulated  to  revolt.  False  prophecies  have 
been  often  used  by  the  lovers  of  sedition  in  Ireland 
as  the  most  powerful  stimulants  of  its  enthusiastic 
population.  It  is  not  long  since  the  whole  island 
»vas  thrown  into  confusion  by  a  misprint  in  a  ridi- 
culous commentary  on  the  Revelations.  Pastorini's 
Prophecies,  as  this  precious  work  was  named,  con- 
tained a  calculation  by  which  it  appeared  that  the 
year  1835  would  be  the  era  of  the  restoration  of  the 
Catholic  religion.  It  was  unfortunately  printed 
1825;  and  the  alarm  which  consequently  prevailed 
through  the  entire  of  that  devoted  year,  will  not 


142  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

easily  be  forgotten.  The  question  of  emancipation 
was  then  in  debate.  Pastorini's  Prophecies,  whim- 
sically enough,  furnished  both  parties  with  an  argu 
ruent,  the  more  valuable  because  it  was  perfectlj 
novel.  One  side  used  it  as  a  threat,  the  other  as 
a  warning,  until  the  delusion  became  so  extravagan'. 
as  to  cure  itself,  and  perished  in  a  storm  of  ridicule 

If  a  piophecy  even  in  the  nineteenth  centurj 
could  produce  such  commotions,  we  must  not  bt 
surprised  at  its  powerful  effects  in  the  beginning  ol 
the  sixteenth.  The  Irish  were  everywhere  in  arms 
but  the  promptitude  and  celerity  of  Kildare  baffled 
all  their  efforts.  They  were  vanquished  in  detail, 
and  forced  to  remain  quiet  until  the  calculations  of 
some  more  accurate  seer  should  discover  another 
period  more  fortunate  for  the  cause  of  insurrection. 

But  though  Kildare  was  able  to  subdue  his  ene- 
mies in  the  field,  he  could  not  contend  with  his  se- 
cret foes  in  the  intrigues  of  the  cabinet.  Too 
haughty  to  court  the  favour  of  Wolsey  by  mean- 
ness and  subserviency,  he  incurred  the  displeasure 
of  that  proud  prelate ;  while  his  rival,  the  Earl  of 
Ormond,  submitted  to  every  degrading  compliance, 
in  order  to  conciliate  the  powerful  cardinal.  In 
consequence  of  these  machinations,  Kildare  was 
removed,  and  the  Earl  of  Surrey  appointed  in  his 
stead. 

The  Earl  of  Kildare  was  summoned  to  England, 
to  give  an  account  of  his  conduct.  Soon  after  his 
arrival,  he  obtained  the  daughter  of  the  Marquis  of 
Dorset  in  marriage,  and  by  the  aid  of  this  influential 
nobleman,  was  enabled  to  baffle  the  malice  of  the 
cardinal.  Conscious,  however,  that  his  absence 
would  give  his  enemies  a  great  advantage,  he  re- 
solved to  remain  at  court.  He  attended  Henry  to 
Calais  at  the  time  of  his  celebrated  interview  with 
Francis,  and  contributed  largely  to  the  splendour  of 
the  "  Field  of  the  Cloth  of  Gold,"  by  the  brilliancy 
of  his  suite  and  equipage.  Surrey  displayed  great 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  143 

rigour  and  ability  in  Ireland.  He  chastised  the  re- 
volt of  several  septs,  and  received  the  submissions 
of  some  powerful  toparchs;  but,  unfortunately,  he 
was  a  stranger  in  the  country,  and  was  led  into  many 
errors  by  the  interested  deception  of  his  advisers. 
The  successor  of  Surrey  was  Pierce  Earl  of  Ormond, 
commonly  called  Pierce  the  Red.  His  administra- 
tion was  principally  directed  to  extend  the  power 
and  influence  of  the  Butlers,  and  he  was  not  very 
scrupulous  in  the  use  of  any  means  by  which  this 
object  might  be  effected.  One  Irish  chieftain,  Mac- 
Gillapatrick,  prince  of  Ossory,  having  been  plundered 
by  Ormond,  sent  an  ambassador  to  lay  his  com- 
plaints before  the  king.  The  execution  of  this 
commission  was  intrusted  to  the  chieftain's  bard  or 
sennachy ;  who,  impressed  with  a  lofty  sense  01 
his  lord's  dignity,  stopped  Henry  on  his  road  to 
church,  and  denounced  war  against  him  in  the  name 
of  the  high  and  mighty  MacGillapatrick,  if  he  re- 
fused to  chastise  the  tyranny  of  Pierce  the  Red. 
No  notice  seems  to  have  been  taken  of  this  extra- 
ordinary threat.  Ormond  was  allowed  to  continue 
his  excesses  with  impunity,  and  the  hostility  of 
MacGillapatrick  was  checked  by  the  most  powerful 
of  all  reasons,  a  total  want  of  means.  The  return 
of  Kildare  proved  a  much  more  formidable  event  to 
the  deputy.  The  Geraldines,  relying  on  his  con- 
nexions in  the  English  court,  renewed  their  strug- 
gle with  the  Butlers ;  and  the  contest  soon  became 
so  important  that  commissioners  were  sent  from 
England  to  investigate  the  wrongs  of  which  both 
complained.  After  a  brief  inquiry,  they  decided  in 
favour  of  Kildare.  Their  report  was  then  sent  to 
the  sovereign,  who  immediately  removed  Pierce  the 
Red  from  his  office,  and,  fatally  for  himself,  ap- 
pointed Kildare  lord-deputy. 

Desmond,  the  head  of  the  southern  Geraldines, 
had  long  acted  as  an  independent  prince.  He 
claimed  the  privilege  of  absenting  himself  from  par- 


i  ii  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

lic.nient,  and  of  being  never  obliged  to  come  within 
the  walls  of  a  fortified  town.  Living  thus  entirely 
among  his  vassals  and  dependants,  he  naturally 
over-estimated  his  power  and  importance,  and  was 
easily  led  to  believe  himself  a  match  for  his  sove- 
reign. Francis  King  of  France,  finding  that  Henry 
had  joined  the  emperor  against  him,  determined  to 
raise  some  commotion  in  Ireland,  and  for  this  pur- 
pose sent  an  embassy  to  Desmond.  The  vain 
baron,  proud  of  being  treated  as  a  sovereign  prince, 
readily  entered  into  an  alliance  offensive  and  defen- 
sive with  the  French  king;  but  ere  the  treaty  could 
produce  any  effect,  Francis  was  made  a  prisoner  in 
the  fatal  battle  of  Pavia,  and  Desmond  left  exposed 
to  the  vengeance  of  an  outraged  and  vindictive 
sovereign.  Orders  were  sent  to  Kildare,  command- 
ing him  in  the  strongest  terms  to  punish  the  pre- 
sumption of  his  kinsman;  but  the  deputy  ventured 
to  elude  the  performance,  and  marched  into  Ulstei 
<)n  the  pretence  of  some  disorders  in  that  province, 
but  really  to  support  his  brother-in-law  O'Nial. 
The  enemies  of  Kildare  represented  this  suspicious 
conduct  at  court,  and  the  deputy  was  ordered  to 
appear  before  the  king  and  answer  to  these  charges. 
After  a  short  interval,  during  which  Ireland  re- 
mained in  a  state  of  shocking  distraction,  the  earl 
recovered  the  confidence  of  the  king,  and  was  once 
more  restored  to  the  government. 

This  victory  over  his  rivals  would  have  danger- 
ously elated  a  man  of  stronger  mind  and  cooler 
passions  than  Kildare  possessed;  and  his  actions 
soon  showed  that  his  little  remnant  of  prudence 
was  destroyed  by  his  recent  elevation.  It  is  said 
also  that  his  intellects  were  partially  injured  about 
this  time,  in  consequence  of  a  wound  in  his  head ; 
but  it  is  not  necessary  to  have  recourse  to  such  an 
explanation  for  the  extravagant  effects  produced  by 
repeated  triumphs  on  a  character  naturally  weak 
and  haugiity.  The  officers  of  the  Irish  government 


HISTORY   OF   IRELAND.  145 

became  reasonably  alarmed.  They  met  in  secret 
conclave,  and  prepared  a  representation  of  the  evils 
by  which  Ireland  was  affected,  which  was  soon  laid 
before  the  king. 

Though  Kildare  was  not  named  in  this  petition, 
the  evils  mentioned  were  such  as  could  not  have 
occurred  without  his  sanction  or  connivance.  The 
jealous  temper  of  Henry  was  fired  by  the  recital, 
and  he  sent  Kildare  a  peremptory  mandate  to  come 
at  once  to  London.  Aware  that  his  conduct  would 
not  bear  a  strict  investigation,  the  earl,  by  means 
of  his  wife's  relations,  endeavoured  to  obtain  delay; 
but,  finding  that  the  king's  resolution  was  not  to  be 
shaken,  he  supplied  his  castles  with  arms  and  am- 
munition from  the  royal  stores,  and  intrusted  the 
government  to  his  son  Thomas,  a  youth  scarcely 
twenty  years  old. 

A.  D.  1534. — Kildare,  on  his  arrival  in  London, 
was  sent  to  the  Tower;  and  this  mark  of  disfavour 
was  reported  in  Ireland  with  the  usual  exaggeration. 
Skeffington,  who  had  been  formerly  lord-deputy, 
and  the  faction  of  the  Butlers,  reported  that  he  had 
been  sentenced  to  death,  and  soon  after  pretended 
to  have  received  an  account  of  his  execution.  The 
young  Lord  Thomas  lent  a  credulous  ear  to  these 
inventions  of  his  enemies.  Determined  on  revenge, 
he  consulted  with  his  Irish  adherents ;  and  having 
received  promises  of  support,  determined  to  raise 
the  standard  of  rebellion.  The  chivalrous  manner 
in  which  this  young  nobleman  proceeded  to  execute 
his  insane  designs  fills  us  at  once  with  surprise 
arid  pity.  Attended  by  a  body  of  one  hundred  and 
forty  armed  followers,  he  entered  the  city  of  Dub- 
lin, and  immediately  proceeded  to  St.  Mary's  Ab- 
bey, where  the  council  was  assembled  in  delibera- 
tion. The  sudden  and  tumultuous  entrance  oi 
armed  men  filled  all  with  consternation  ;  but  their 
fears  were  calmed  by  Lord  Thomas,  who,  repress- 
ing the  violence  of  his  attendants,  declared  that 


146  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

lie  came  to  resign  the  sword  of  state,  to  renounce 
his  allegiance  to  the  tyrant  Henry,  and  to  proclaim 
himself  the  mortal  foe  of  the  English  government 
and  its  adherents. 

While  the  other  lords  remained  astonished  and 
silent,  Cromer,  who  was  both  chancellor  and  pri- 
mate, rose,  and  taking  the  young  lord  by  the  hand, 
remonstrated  witli  him  in  terms  the  most  affection- 
ate and  winning.  Unfortunately,  an  Irish  rhymer 
at  the  end  of  his  address,  burst  forth  into  a  wild 
rhapsody  on  the  glory  of  the  Geraldines,  and  the 
high  destiny  for  which  the  present  heir  of  the  house 
was  designed ;  and  Thomas,  kindling  with  enthu- 
siasm, made  no  reply  to  the  chancdijr,  but  rushed 
out  of  the  house. 

The  war,  thus  madly  begun,  was  supported  with 
the  same  disregard  to  the  simplest  dictates  of  pru- 
dence; and  if  is  but  fair  to  add,  with  the  same 
generous  attention  to  the  laws  of  humanity.  With 
the  exception  of  Archbishop  Alan,  whom  the  Irish 
murdered,  not  wholly  without  his  concurrence,  Lord 
Thomas  sanctioned  no  act  of  cruelty,  but  laboured 
strenuously  to  restrain  the  excesses  of  his  followers. 
His  career,  however,  was  brief.  Without  adequate 
force  or  engines,  he  laid  siege  to  Dublin,  and  wasted 
his  time  and  forces  in  vain  assaults  on  the  city. 
Succours  soon  arrived  from  England ;  and,  though 
one  division  was  severely  defeated,  and  almost  an- 
nihilated, two  others,  commanded  by  Sir  William 
Brereton,  and  the  new  deputy  Sir  William  Skeffing- 
ton,  made  good  their  entrance  into  the  city,  and 
soon  forced  Lord  Thomas  to  raise  the  siege. 

The  deputy,  infirm  in  body  and  vacillating  in 
mind,  made  no  efforts  to  follow  up  this  success. 
Lord  Thomas  not  only  escaped,  but,  by  entering 
into  a  treaty  witli  the  O'Connors  and  O'Nials,  soon 
became  formidable.  Roused  by  the  strong  repre- 
sentations of  the  military  officers,  Skeffington  at 
length  took  the  field,  and  laid  siege  to  Maynooth 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  147 

one  of  the  strongest  Geraldine  fortresses.  The 
spirit  of  the  garrison  and  the  strength  of  the  place 
baffled  the  besiegers  for  fourteen  days.  They  were 
about  to  raise  the  siege,  when  the  unexpected  treach- 
ery of  Lord  Thomas's  foster-brother  laid  it  at  their 
mercy.  Skeffington  paid  this  double  traitor  the 
stipulated  reward,  and  then  ordered  him  to  be  in- 
stantly executed — an  act  of  substantial  justice, 
which  may  well  redeem  many  of  the  deputy's  mis- 
demeanours. The  greater  part  of  the  irregular 
army  assembled  by  the  young  Geraldine  dispersed 
when  the  capture  of  Maynooth  became  known,  and 
as  the  heir  of  the  great  Desmond  had  been  gained 
by  Henry,  he  was  driven  to  maintain  a  desultory 
warfare  in  the  woods  and  mountains.  Even  thus, 
he  made  such  a  formidable  resistance  that  he  ob 
tained  from  the  English  general.  Lord  Grey,  the 
most  solemn  assurances  of  safety  and  protection 
on  condition  of  dismissing  his  troops. 

The  indolent  Skeffington  died  about  the  time  that 
this  war  was  concluded,  and  was  succeeded  by  Lord 
Grey.  The  first  act  of  the  new  governor  was  one 
of  atrocious  perfidy.  In  spite  of  his  former  prom- 
ise, he  sent  the  unfortunate  Lord  Thomas  a  prisoner 
to  London,  where  he  hud  the  mortification  to  find 
that  his  father  had  not  fallen  by  the  hand  of  the  ex 
ecutioner,  but  had  died  of  grief  when  he  heard  of 
his  insane  rebellion.  This  crime  was  followed  by 
a  greater.  The  five  uncles  of  Lord  Thomas,  three 
of  whom  had  notoriously  opposed  the  insurrection, 
were  invited  to  a  banquet  by  the  deputy,  and  in  the 
midst  of  the  entertainment  seized,  hurried  on  ship- 
board, and  sent  to  England  as  victims  to  the  indis- 
criminate vengeance  of  Henry.  Even  these  were 
not  enough  to  glut  the  royal  appetite  for  blood.  A 
child  of  twelve  years  old,  whom  his  aunt  had  con- 
veyed to  Minister,  was  sought  for  so  eagerly,  that 
he  was  forced  to  be  sent  to  the  continent  for  safety. 
Even  there  he  was  folio  w°d  Vv  the  enmity  of  the 


i48  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

tyrant.  Henry  had  the  inconceivable  meanness  to 
demand  him  from  the  King  of  France  as  a  rebellious 
subject ;  but  the  French  monarch  connived  at  his 
escape  to  Flanders.  A  similar  demand  was  made 
to  the  emperor ;  but,  before  an  answer  was  obtained, 
the  youth  had  been  taken  under  the  protection  of 
Cardinal  Pole,  by  whom  lie  was  treated  as  a  son 


CHAPTER  IX. 

The  Fffictg  qf  the  Refonnation  in  Ireland. 

THE  great  moral  convulsion  which  changed  the 
ecclesiastical  establishment  throughout  the  north 
of  Europe  produced  a  new  era  in  Irish  history. 
Hitherto,  the  papal  and  priestly  influence  had  been 
employed  in  the  support  of  the  English  government, 
because  the  interests  of  both  were  in  a  great  degree 
identified;  but  from  henceforth  we  must  look  upon 
the  Romish  church  as  the  great  engine  of  opposition 
to  the  royal  power,  and  find  it  earnestly  supported 
by  a  people  which  it  had  long  injured  and  insulted. 
The  long  baronial  wars,  and  the  desultory  struggles 
of  the  natives,  had  effaced  the  memory  both  of  the 
"earning  and  piety  of  Ireland's  national  church;  the 
new  discipline  introduced  by  Henry  II.  had  tri- 
umphed over  all  resistance ;  and  the  church  had  be- 
come a  third  power,  placed  between  the  king  and 
people,  able  to  command  and  control  both.  The 
barons  and  toparchs  looked  upon  the  influence  of 
the  energy  with  no  little  jealousy.  Of  doctrines  and 
dogmas  they  knew  little  ;  but  they  knew  that  there 
had  been  a  time  when  these  prelates,  now  their 
livals  and  compeers,  depended  on  the  chieftains  foi 
protection  and  support.  They  were,  therefore,  not 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  149 

averse  from  any  change  by  which  the  paramount 
authority  of  the  church  might  be  diminished. 
Henry,  in  consequence,  found  as  little  trouble  in 
introducing  the  first  principles  of  the  Reformation 
in  Ireland  as  he  had  experienced  in  England  (A.  D. 
1536).  The  parliament  summoned  by  Lord  Leonard 
Grey  commenced  by  enacting  a  declaratory  statute, 
which  excluded  from  the  privilege  of  voting  the 
proctors  that  had  been  previously  returned  from  the 
several  diocesses ;  and,  having  thus  secured  a  ma- 
jority of  the  laity,  proceeded  with  all  speed  to  the 
regulation  of  the  state.  The  king's  supremacy  was 
formally  established ;  his  marriage  with  Catharine 
of  Arragon  declared  null  and  void ;  and  the  succes- 
sion of  the  crown  pronounced  to  be  in  the  heirs  of 
the  king  and  the  Lady  Anne.  The  last  act  had 
scarcely  passed  when  news  of  Anne  Boleyn's  dis- 
grace reached  the  assembly.  With  equal  readiness 
they  changed  the  inheritance  to  the  descendants  of 
Queen  Jane ;  and,  in  default  of  such  heirs,  acknow- 
ledged the  king's  right  to  dispose  of  the  kingdom 
of  England  and  the  lordship  of  Ireland,  by  letters- 
patent  or  by  will. 

Several  acts  of  a  similar  tendency  were  passed 
with  little  opposition ;  but  Lord  Grey  was  too  politic 
to  rely  on  statutes  alone ;  he  collected  a  numerous 
army,  and,  marching  through  Leinster,  received  not 
only  the  submission  of  the  septs,  but  hostages  for 
the  fidelity  of  the  chieftains.  Unfortunately,  he  at 
the  same  time  showed  that  the  government  was 
about  to  adopt  a  new  line  of  policy  in  other  matters, 
fully  as  beneficial  as  the  religious  reformation,  but 
one  for  which  the  country  was  not  prepared,  and 
which,  consequently,  added  to  its  distractions. 
Henry  had  firmly  resolved  to  break  down  the  ex- 
travagant power  of  the  barons  and  toparchs,  and 
check  the  insolence  of  an  oligarchy,  whose  au- 
thority more  than  rivalled  his  own.  With  his  usual 
impetuosity,  he  overlooked  all  the  difficulties  which 


150  HISTORY     OF    IRELAND. 

impeded  the  execution  of  such  a  plan ;  he  pushed 
on  the  civil  and  religious  reformation  together;  and 
thus  united  in  determined  opposition  the  advocates 
of  the  abuses  in  both.  The  Butlers,  triumphant 
over  the  Geraldines  of  Kildare,  were  the  most  vio- 
lent antagonists  of  the  deputy.  Secretly  encouraged 
by  Cromer,  Archbishop  of  Armagh,  the  most  zealous 
adherent  of  Rome,  they  openly  resisted  the  deputy, 
and  even  assailed  him  by  force  of  arms.  They 
were,  however,  too  wise  to  undertake  open  rebel 
lion ;  and,  while  engaged  in  resisting  the  local  go- 
vernment, sent  over  the  most  fulsome  professions 
of  allegiance  to  the  court  of  England. 

A.  D.  1539. — O'Nialdid  not  use  even  this  thindis 
guise.  He  proclaimed  himself  chieftain  of  the  North 
ern  Irish ;  and  having,  by  the  aid  of  the  clergy,  as- 
sembled a  numerous  army,  he  advanced  to  Tara,  the 
seat  of  ancient  monarchy,  and  there  indulged  his 
pride  in  an  ostentatious  review  of  his  numerous 
forces.  But  this  champion  of  Rome  was  incapable 
of  any  great  enterprise.  He  contented  himself  with 
wasting  the  country ;  and,  having  collected  a  great 
booty,  prepared  to  return  home.  The  deputy  had 
expected  this  storm  ;  but  it  burst  forth  before  his 
pieparations  were  completed.  He  summoned  Sir 
William  Brereton  to  his  aid  from  Cheshire  ;  and  be- 
ing joined  by  volunteers  from  Dublin  and  Drogheda 
he  pursued  the  Irish  army,  and  overtook  them  at  a 
place  called  Bellahoe,  on  the  borders  of  the  county 
of  Meath.  The  van  of  the  Irish  army  was  the  only 
part  engaged;  the  rest  looked  tamely  on  until  their 
associates  were  totally  routed,  and  then  fled  without 
a  blow.  About  four  hundred  were  killed  in  the  battle 
and  the  flight.  The  superior  celerity  of  the  fugi- 
tives, and  their  knowledge  of  the  difficult  country, 
haved  them  from  a  vigorous  pursuit. 

With  this  victory  ended  the  administration  of  Lord 
Grey.  He  was  recalled  to  Kngland,  and  sent  to  the 
Tower,  on  charges  equally  futile  and  malicious ;  but 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  151 

Knowing  the  irritable  temper  of  Henry,  he  dared  not 
prepare  a  defence,  but  pleaded  guilty,  and  threw  him- 
self on  the  royal  mercy.  But  justice  and  mercy 
were  in  vain  opposed  to  a  tyrant's  caprice.  Grey 
was  ordered  to  execution,  and  perished  by  the  same 
fate  which  he  had  treacherously  prepared  for  the 
unfortunate  Geraldines. 

Some  trifling  insurrections  afvr  the  departure  of 
Lord  Grey  were  so  effectually  quelled  by  Brereton, 
that  the  partisans  of  Rome  were  completely  discour- 
aged; and  the  new  lord-deputy,  on  his  arrival,found  all 
parties  prepared  to  submit  to  the  royal  will.  Taking 
advantage  of  these  favourable  circumstances,  he 
summoned  a  parliament,  and  proposed  to  them  a 
change  in  the  government  of  Ireland,  which,  though 
apparently  nominal,  was  really  of  great  importance. 
The  English  monarchs  had  hitherto  only  borne  the 
title  of  Lords  of  Ireland.  The  style  and  title  of  king 
was  now  conferred  on  Henry  and  his  heirs;  by  which 
act  the  authority  of  the  pope  to  bestow  the  kingdom 
was  virtually  disclaimed.  Peerages  and  promotions 
were  at  the  same  time  liberally  bestowed  on  the 
most  powerful  descendants  of  the  original  settlers 
and  the  native  chieftains;  further  honours  were 
promised  to  those  who  showed  zeal  in  the  king's 
service ;  and  sur.h  a  spirit  of  loyalty  was  created, 
that  when  the  SOD  of  Fitzpatrick,  Baron  of  Upper 
Ossory,  committed  some  outrages,  he  was  delivered 
up  to  justice  by  his  own  father.  The  most  formida- 
ble enemies  of  the  English  power  were  invited  to 
parliament  as  peers.  De  Burgho  was  created  Earl  of 
Clanricarde,  O'Brien  became  Earl  of  Thomond,  and 
O'Nial  resigned  the  title  of  his  sept  for  that  of  Earl 
of  Tirowen  or  Tyrone.  Unfortunately,  in  the  case 
of  the  last  chieftain,  the  government  eounton?nced 
some  of  the  anomalies  of  the  Brehon  code ;  for  the 
inheritance  to  his  title  and  estates  was  taken  from 
his  legitimate  offspring,  and  conferred  by  patent  on 
his  natural  son  Matthew,  created  Lord  Dun^annou 


152  HISTORY    OF   IRELAND. 

The  good  effects  of  Henry's  wise  policy  we  a 
shown  by  the  restoration  of  public  tranquillity,  and 
the  submission  of  all  to  his  claim  of  supremacy. 
The  groundwork  of  the  reformation  was  laid;  and 
nothing  was  wanting  to  its  complete  success  but 
a  continuance  of  the  wisdom  and  justice,  the  min- 
gled moderation  and  firmness  which  marked  the 
Irish  administration  during  the  remainder  of  Henry'? 
reign. 

The  reign  of  Edward  VI.  was  the  crisis  of  the  re- 
formation in  Ireland.  The  guardians  of  the  young 
king,  intent  on  their  own  schemes  of  petty  ambition, 
neglected  the  important  interests  of  the  nation  ;  and 
the  fabric  which  Henry  had  erected  with  so  much 
labour  soon  fell  to  ruin.  The  first  recorded  incident 
of  importance  in  the  new  reign  is  a  monstrous  in- 
stance of  impolicy  and  injustice.  The  O'Moores  of 
Leix,  and  the  O'Connors  of  Ofally,  excited  some 
disturbances  in  Leinster.  An  army,  commanded 
by  Bellingham,  was  sent  to  restrain  their  excesses, 
and  soon  drove  them  to  seek  refuge  in  their  fast- 
nesses. 

A.  D.  1548. — Representations  were  made  to  these 
chieftains  of  the  favour  that  Henry  had  shown  to 
O'Nial  and  others  in  similar  circumstances,  by  which 
they  were  easily  induced  to  submit,  and  to  under- 
take a  journey  into  England.  Scarcely,  however, 
had  they  arrived  at  court,  when  they  were  treache- 
rously seized  and  thrown  into  prison,  while  their 
estates  were  seized  by  the  rapacious  adventurers 
who  had  advised  this  base  act  of  perfidv.  The  high 
Rpirit  of  O'Moore  sank  under  the  indignity  of  con- 
finement. He  died,  bequeathing  to  his  family  the 
memory  of  his  wrongs,  and  a  heavy  debt  of  ven- 
geance, which  they  failed  not  subsequently  to  exact. 
O'Carroll  was  less  fortunate,  and  long  lingered  in 
hopeless  captivity  and  exile. 

The  effect  of  this  detestable  transaction  on  the 
mind  of  the  Irish  princes  and  the  colonial  oaron? 


HISTORY   OF   IRELAND.  153 

may  be  easily  conceived.  Their  nascent  confidence 
in  the  government  was  destroyed ;  and  Bellingham, 
who  had  been  appointed  deputy  for  his  treachery, 
found  it  impossible  to  restrain  the  agitation  which 
everywhere  prevailed.  At  this  unfavourable  mo- 
ment, the  Protector  Somerset  determined  to  intro- 
duce the  reformed  liturgy  into  Ireland,  and  sent  over 
Saint  Leger  again  as  deputy  for  the  purpose. 

The  reformation  in  England  was  supported  by  the 
majority  of  the  people,  and  a  great  body  of  the  clergy, 
weary  of  the  papal  yoke.  Even  before  the  preach- 
ing of  Luther,  the  English  church  had  obtained  a 
qualified  independence,  and  the  nomination  to  its 
dignities  was  virtually  vested  in  the  crown.  The 
sovereign,  in  asserting  his  supremacy,  only  consum- 
mated what  had  been  commenced  by  the  constitu- 
tions of  Clarendon,  and  completed  an  influence  which 
had  been  already  exercised.  The  condition  of  the 
Irish  church  was  far  different.  The  English  owed 
their  possession  of  Ireland  to  a  bargain  made  with 
the  pope  and  the  prelates.  The  Romish  church  was 
the  guarantee  of  their  security ;  and  they  gladly  as- 
sisted in  strengthening  the  power  which  seemed 
alone  able  to  ensure  their  safety.  The  Romish 
church  in  Ireland  had  consequently  been  long  an 
estate  of  the  realm  paramount  to  all  the  rest,  com- 
pared with  which  the  power  of  the  crown  and  the 
oligarchy  was  as  nothing.  As  for  the  people,  they 
did  not  possess  as  yet.  a  voice  in  the  state.  Had  the 
judicious  measures  of  Henry  been  steadily  pursued 
— had  the  barons  and  toparchs  been  conciliated  by 
kindness — had  the  people  been  won  by  gentle  remon- 
strance, the  papacy  would  soon  have  lost  its  Irish 
followers  ;  but  measures  far  different  were  pursued, 
and  we  all  know  the  consequence.  The  reformed 
clergy  were  strangely  and  culpably  negligent.  We 
are  told  by  an  Irish  chancellor  of  the  time,  that  they 
did  not  preach  more  than  once  a  year;  and  that  this 
annual  sermon  was  the  only  instruction  they  vouch- 
I.— M 


154  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

safed  to  afford  their  flocks.  Tn  default  of  more  effi- 
cacious means,  they  placed  their  reliance  on  acts  of 
parliament  and  bands  of  soldiers,  substituting  the 
law  and  the  sword  for  the  gospel  and  the  cross. 
Saint  Leger  would  willingly  have  used  expedients 
less  violent,  but  more  efficacious.  He  was,  however, 
stripped  of  his  office,  on  the  representations  of  the 
reformed  Archbishop  of  Dublin,  and  the  administra- 
tion given  to  Sir  James  Crofts,  who  was  supposed 
not  to  be  troubled  with  unnecessary  scruples. 

The  means  of  conversion  which  the  Protector  de- 
signed to  use  in  Ireland  were  soon  exemplified.  A 
party,  issuing  from  the  garrison  of  Athlone,  attacked 
the  ancient  church  of  Clonmacnoise,  destroyed  it? 
ornaments,  and  defiled  its  altars.  Similar  excesses 
were  committed  in  other  parts  of  the  country ;  and 
the  first  impression  produced  by  the  advocates  of 
the  reformed  religion  was,  that  the  new  system 
sanctioned  sacrilege  and  robbery. 

Dowdal,  \vho  had  been  appointed  to  the  Arch- 
bishopric of  Armagh  by  Henry,  on  the  death  of 
Cromer,  in  opposition  to  the  papal  nominee,  unex- 
pectedly became  the  most  violent  impugner  of  the 
royal  supremacy.  But  Dowdal  was  a  coward;  and 
when  the  parliament,  to  punish  his  obstinacy,  trans- 
ferred the  primacy  from  Armagh  to  Dublin,  he  aban- 
doned the  contest  and  his  diocess  together.  O'Nial, 
the  Earl  of  Tyrone,  was  a  much  more  formidable 
enemy.  The  fate  of  the  O'Moore  and  the  O'Carroll 
excited  his  fears.  The  plundering  of  Clonmacnoise 
alarmed  his  prejudices;  and  the  eldest  of  his  legiti- 
mate children,  Shane,  or  John  O'Xial,  successfully 
laboured  to  prejudice  him  against  Matthew, on  whom 
the  late  king  had  settled  the  inheritance.  While 
Tyrone  yet  wavered,  Matthew,  seeing  the  danger  by 
which  he  was  threatened,  made  the  most  alarming 
representations  to  Crofts,  the  lord-deputy;  and  the 
governor,  \\iili  the  short-sitrhted  policy  which  char- 
actt-ri/ti!  II.N  H<  ministration,  contrived,  by  treach- 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  156 

ery,  to  secure  the  persons  of  Tyrone  and  his  count- 
ess, whom  he  instantly  placed  in  close  confinement. 
The  inevitable  consequence  was,  to  place  the  clan 
entirely  at  the  disposal  of  the  turbulent  Shane,  who, 
assisted  by  a  body  of  Scots,  committed  the  most 
fearful  depredations. 

While  affairs  were  thus  in  confusion,  the  death  of 
Edward  VI.  produced  a  new  revolution.  The  offi- 
cers of  state  changed  their  religion  with  the  same 
facility  they  had  displayed  on  former  occasions,  and 
the  great  body  of  the  clergy  followed  their  example. 
Unfortunately,  some  priests  and  prelates  had  evi- 
denced the  sincerity  of  their  conversion  by  marrying. 
Wives  were  not  so  easily  got  rid  of  as  creeds  ;  and 
they  were  unwillingly  forced  to  preserve  their  consis- 
tency, and  retire.  Dowdal  was  restored  to  his  see 
and  the  primacy,  while  the  most  violent  of  his  oppo- 
nents were  compelled  to  fly. 

The  queen  commenced  her  reign  by  several  acts 
equally  just,  humane,  and  politic.  She  granted  an 
amnesty  to  those  who  had  proclaimed  Lady  Jane 
Grey  in  Dublin  ;  she  restored  the  heir  of  Kildare  to 
his  title  and  estates ;  and  she  liberated  O'Connor 
of  Ofally,  who  had  been  so  long  a  prisoner. 

The  restoration  of  the  old  religion  was  effected 
without  violence  ;  no  persecution  of  the  Protestants 
was  attempted  ;  and  several  of  the  English  who  fled 
from  the  furious  zeal  of  Mary's  inquisitors  found  a 
safe  retreat  among  the  Catholics  of  Ireland.  It  is 
but  justice  to  this  maligned  body  to  add,  that  on 
the  three  occasions  of  their  obtaining  the  upper 
hand,  they  never  injured  a  single  person  in  life  or 
limb  for  professing  a  religion  different  from  their 
own.  "  They  had  suffered  persecution  and  learned 
mercy,"  as  they  showed  in  the  reign  of  Mary,  in  the 
wars  from  1641  to  1648,  and  during  the  brief  triumph 
ot  James  II. 

Even  in  Ireland,  however  Mary  fully  proved  her 
right  to  the  title  of  Bloody.  The  septs  of  O'Moore 


156  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

and  O'Carroll  argued,  with  great  justice,  that  ihey 
had  no  right  to  forfeit  their  lands  for  the  erro  -s  of 
their  chiefs.  The  ground  was  the  property  of  the 
clan;  and  the  guilt  of  the  leaders,  though  ever  so 
clearly  proved,  could  by  no  means  involve  their  feu 
datories,  against  whom  not  the  shadow  of  a  charge 
could  be  brought.  The  Irish  government  answered 
by  an  argument  sufficiently  characteristic.  They 
deigned  no  reply,  verbalor  written,  but  sent  an  army 
to  drive  the  people  of  Leix  and  Ofally  from  their 
possessions,  and  to  punish  by  martial  law  all  who 
dared  to  make  any  resistance.  Military  violence 
and  martial  law  are  species  of  reasoning  to  which 
the  local  governors  of  Ireland  have,  on  more  than 
one  occasion,  had  recourse,  to  silence  the  clamours 
of  suffering  innocence,  or  to  punish  resistance  to  in- 
tolerable oppression.  In  this  instance  they  were 
successful.  The  inhabitants  of  the  devoted  districts 
were  pursued  with  fire  and  sword.  In  the  words  of 
an  old  historian,  "  the  fires  of  burning  huts  were 
slaked  by  the  blood  of  the  inhabitants  ;"  and  it  WHS 
with  difficulty  that  a  miserable  remnant  was  saved 
by  the  generous  interference  of  the  Earls  of  Kildare 
and  Ossory.  To  perpetuate  the  memory  of  the  mas- 
sacre, it  was  directed  by  the  government  that  Ofally 
and  Leix  should  for  the  future  be  named  the  King's 
and  Queen's  county,  and  their  chief  towns  Philips- 
town  and  Maryborough,  in  honour  of  King  Philip 
and  Queen  Mary. 

The  turbulent  Shane  O'Nial,  or  O'Neill,  as  the  name 
now  began  to  be  written,  was  as  little  inclined  to 
submit  to  Mary  as  he  had  been  to  Edward.  In  </>n- 
temptofthe  deputy's  remonstrance,  he  renewed  the 
war  against  his  brother  Matthew,  and  procured  his 
assassination.  He  then  joined  a  son  of  the  chieftain 
of  Tyrconnel  in  an  attempt  to  subdue  Calvah,  the 
heir  of  that  chieftaincy,  who  had  deprived  his  father 
of  power,  and  detained  him  in  prison.  This  expedi- 
tion nearly  proved  fatal  to  the  adventurous  youth. 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  157 

His  caup  was  surprised  by  night,  his  followers 
routed,  and  he  himself  escaped  with  difficulty  by  a 
rapid  flight.  John,  though  thus  defeated,  lost  neither 
his  courage  nor  his  spirit.  On  the  death  of  his 
father  he  unhesitatingly  took  upon  himself  the  com- 
mand of  the  sept,  and  thus  openly  set  the  govern- 
ment at  defiance. 

A.  D.  1558. — Elizabeth,  on  her  accession,  found 
Ireland  in  a  state  of  the  utmost  distraction.  Daniel 
O'Brien  and  the  Earl  of  Tbomond  were  engaged  in 
a  fierce  war  for  the  chieftaincy  of  North  Minister. 
The  Geraldines  of  Desmond  and  the  Butlers  of  Or- 
mond  filled  the  entire  south  with  confusion  by  their 
incessant  hostilities.  In  Connaught,  the  De  Burghos 
of  Clanricarde  were  fiercely  assailed  by  the  rival 
branch  descended  from  Mac  William  Oughter.  In 
Leinster,  the  plundered  refugees  from  L<  ix  and 
Ofally  sought  revenge  by  marauding  and  laying 
waste  the  country  in  small  bands ;  and  in  Ulster, 
John  O'Neill  WHS  fast  making  himself  master  of  the 
entire  province.  The  Earl  of  Sussex,  the  lord- 
deputy,  on  his  departure  for  England,  intrusted  the 
government  to  Sir  Henry  Sydney,  and  directed  him 
lo  march  to  Dundalk,  and  demand  from  O'Neill  an 
explanation  of  his  proceedings. 

The  enemies  of  O'Neill  have  described  him  in  the 
most  inconsistent  colours.  They  assert  that  he  was 
addicted  to  the  most  brutal  excesses,  particularly  to 
beastly  intoxication  ;  that  he  was  rude,  ignorant,  and 
barbarous ;  while,  at  the  same  time,  they  represent 
him  as  cautious,  circumspect,  and  acute.  A  man, 
however,  who  was  able  to  win  the  confidence  of  the 
gallant  Sydney,  and  subsequently  to  obtain  a  more 
than  ordinary  share  of  Elizabeth's  favour,  couid 
neither  have  been  uncivilized  nor  brutal.  They  who 
plundered  his  estates  by  their  rapacity  slandered 
him  by  their  malice ;  but  time,  the  redresser  of  inju- 
ries, permits  us  now  to  do  justice  to  the  unfortunate 
with  imounity. 


158  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

Warned  by  the  fate  of  O'Moore  and  O'Carroll, 
John  was  too  wise  to  enter  the  English  camp. 
When  summoned  he  replied,  that  he  was  engaged  in 
celebrating  the  christening  of  his  child  ;  and  added  ? 
request  that  Sydney  would  come  and  witness  the 
ceremony,  and  become  sponsor  to  the  new-born  babe. 
To  the  great  annoyance  of  those  underlings  who  in- 
fested the  seat  of  government,  and  hoped  to  carve 
out  fortunes  for  themselves  by  confiscation  and 
plunder,  Sydney  accepted  the  invitation.  He  was 
entertained  with  great  hospitality,  and  even  magnifi- 
cence. The  ceremony  was  performed  with  more 
than  ordinary  solemnity,  and  Sydney  then  proceeded 
to  enter  on  the  real  business  of  his  visit.  To  his 
great  astonishment,  the  account  given  by  O'Neill  of 
all  former  transactions  was  totally  different  from  the 
representations  made  at  the  castle.  So  far  from 
being  an  obstinate  rebel,  he  proved  himself  a  man 
"more  sinned  against  than  sinning;"  one  who  had 
been  driven  to  take  up  arms  as  the  only  means  left 
for  protecting  his  property  and  person.  With  great 
dignity  and  composure,  he  stated  his  right  to  the 
succession  of  Tyrone,  which  was  equally  clear  by  the 
English  and  the  Irish  law.  According  to  the  former, 
he  was  the  heir,  as  being  the  eldest  legitimate  son  ; 
and,  in  accordance  with  the  latter,  he  had  been  unani- 
mously chosen  tanist  by  the  sept.  He  denied  the 
authority  of  any  letters-patent  to  destroy  a  right  of 
succession  derived  from  a  long  line  of  illustrious  an- 
cestors ;  and  though  he  professed  himself  a  liege 
subject  of  the  queen,  he  claimed  his  right  to  the  sov- 
ereignty of  Tyrone,  both  by  descent  and  the  free 
election  of  the  clansmen.  Sydney  was  struck  with 
the  force  and  justice  of  these  arguments.  He  con- 
sulted his  counsellors,  whom  the  candour  and  firm- 
ness of  O'Neill  had  thrown  into  confusion.  By  their 
advice  he  declared  that  the  matters  stated  were  too 
important  for  him  to  decide,  but  promised  to  lay  them 
before  the  queen.  In  the  mean  time  he  advised  the 


HISTORY   OF   IRELAND.  159 

chieftain  to  preserve  his  allegiance,  and  to  confide  in 
the  royal  honour  for  such  an  arrangement  as  would 
oe  found  right  and  equitable.  O'Neill  promised  to 
observe  this  advice,  and  they  parted  in  the  utmost 
amity.  This  incident  has  been  detailed  at  some 
length,  on  account  of  the  important  light  it  throws 
on  the  character  and  motives  of  this  gallant  but  un- 
fortunate chief,  whose  future  career  must  occupy  no 
inconsiderable  portion  of  this  history. 

The  Earl  of  Sussex  soon  returned  from  England, 
with  special  directions  to  restore  the  reformed  wor- 
ship. So  far  as  the  prelates  and  parliament  were 
concerned,  the  deputy  found  little  opposition.  Out 
of  nineteen  bishops,  seventeen  abjured  popery,  as 
readily  as  in  the  former  reign  they  had  rejected  Prot- 
estantism ;  and  the  two  recusants  were  speedily  pun- 
ished for  their  obstinacy,  by  being  ejected  from  their 
sees.  The  peers,  whose  descendants  in  our  days  are 
for  the  most  part  Roman  Catholics,  did  not  at  this 
time  show  any  particular  zeal  for  a  religion  in  whose 
cause  they  subsequently  suffered  so  severely ;  and 
the  commoners,  though  rather  more  obstinate,  had 
little  ambition  to  become  martyrs.  After  some  op 
position,  acts  were  passed  for  securing  the  royal  su- 
premacy, establishing  the  use  of  the  reformed  liturgy, 
vesting  the  appointment  of  bishops  in  the  crown 
without  the  formality  of  a  conge  cTelire,  and  inflicting 
severe  penalties  on  all  who  absented  themselves 
from  the  service  of  the  Church  of  England.  Having 
thus  accomplished  the  purpose  for  which  it  was  con- 
vened, the  parliament  was  dissolved. 

There  were  two  parties  overlooked  by  the  wise 
legislators  in  this  transaction,  who  were  not  to  be 
changed  so  rapidly  and  so  easily  as  the  peers  and 
pielates.  These  were  the  inferior  clergy  and  the 
Irish  people.  Notwithstanding  the  introduction  of 
•ne  papal  system  by  Henry  II.,  much  of  the  primi- 
»ire  simplicity  and  Christian  kindliness  of  their  na- 
tional church  was  preserved  among  the  lower  ranks 


160  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

of  the  Irish  ecclesiastics.  They  lived  on  terms  of 
familiar  intercourse  with  their  flocks,  imbibed  many 
of  their  prejudices,  and  shared  in  most  of  their  suf- 
ferings. While  the  prelates  looked  to  Rome  or  Eng- 
land as  the  source  whence  their  wealth  and  power 
flowed,  the  native  clergy,  excluded  by  a  jealous 
policy  from  the  higher  offices  of  the  church,  consoled 
themselves  for  the  disappointment  of  ambition  in  the 
love  of  their  congregations.  They  disliked  the  He- 
formation,  because  it  was  a  system  introduced  by  a 
people  whose  conduct  had  given  too  much  reason  for 
their  being  esteemed  oppressors.  They  were  dis- 
gusted at  the  marvellous  celerity  with  which  their 
superiors  changed  creeds  and  religions,  as  if  they 
were  matters  in  which  it  was  only  necessary  to  fol- 
low the  example  of  the  sovereign.  Under  these  cir- 
cumstances, they  readily  lent  an  ear  to  the  emissaries 
of  Rome,  who  encouraged  them  to  maintain  the 
"ancient  religion  ;"  and  by  this  equivocal  term  they 
were  led  to  become  advocates  of  those  papal  usurpa- 
tions which  their  predecessors  had  strenuously  re- 
sisted when  introduced  by  the  English.  Whether 
this  influential  body  could  have  been  induced  to  sup- 
port the  new  system  if  measures  were  taken  to  con- 
ciliate their  affections  is  uncertain.  The  experi- 
ment never  was  tried.  They  were  not  even  asked 
to  change  their  opinions,  but  were  unceremoniously 
driven  from  their  cures,  and  their  places  filled  by 
strangers,  the  refuse  of  the  English  church. 

The  conversion  of  the  people  was  seemingly  not 
meditated  by  those  who  patronised  the  Reformation 
in  Ireland.  Compulsion  was  the  only  means  of  dif- 
fusing the  reformed  doctrine  which  they  could  un- 
derstand ;  and  their  unsparing  use  of  it  soon  made 
the  name  of  Protestantism  detested.  The  very  first 
and  most  essential  part  of  the  Protestant  discipline 
was  neglected.  The  boast  of  the  Reformers  justly 
was,  that,  the  prayers  being  no  longer  read  in  an  un- 
known tongue,  all  the  congregation  might  share  with 


HISTORY    OF   IRELAND.  16 1 

heait  and  spirit  in  the  worship  of  their  heavenly 
Father.  But,  though  it  was  notorious  that  no  Ian 
guage  but  Irish  was  intelligible  beyond  the  walls  of 
Dublin,  no  provision  was  made  for  a  liturgy  or  preach- 
ing in  the  only  language  known  to  the  great  majority 
of  the  population.  In  the  very  act  that  established 
the  reformed  liturgy,  its  framers,  with  whimsical 
inconsistency,  introduced  a  clause  permitting  the 
service  to  be  celebrated  in  Latin,  where  an  English 
reader  could  not  be  procured.  Of  English  and  Latin 
the  multitude  being  equally  ignorant,  preferred  that 
which  was  sanctioned  by  old  associations.  With 
greater  reason,  they  adhered  to  a  clergy  who  under- 
stood their  language,  felt  for  their  wants,  and  sym- 
pathized with  their  feelings,  in  preference  to  a  host 
of  foreigners,  with  whom  they  could  maintain  no 
conversation,  and  by  whom  they  were  regarded  as  an 
inferior  order  of  beings.  The  attachment  of  the  Irish 
to  popery  is  not  unfrequently  brought  as  a  serious 
charge  against  them — when,  in  truth,  they  were 
driven  to  embrace  that  religious  system  by  the  per 
tinacious  folly  of  their  Protestant  governors. 

The  clergymen  imported  into  Ireland  by  the  gov- 
ernment were  for  the  most  part  needy  adventurers, 
as  bankrupt  in  reputation  as  they  were  in  fortune. 
They  were  collected  from  the  candidates  that  had 
been  refused  admission  to  the  English  church,  and 
sent  over,  like  a  band  of  conscripts,  to  Ireland.  A 
few  made  some  exertions  to  discharge  their  duty ; 
but  the  difference  of  language  was  a  stumbling-block 
which  they  had  not  the  industry  to  remove.  The 
rest  paid  no  regard  to  the  matter ;  they  collected 
their  revenues  in  those  districts  where  the  authority 
of  government  was  supported  by  the  presence  of  an 
army  ;  where  that  protection  was  wanting  they 
abandoned  the  field  to  the  native  clergy,  and  con- 
tented themselves  with  petitioning  the  government 
against  the  horrid  abuse  of  allowing  their  tithes  to 
be  diverted  to  the  support  of  popery.  One  of  the 


162  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

statutes  for  establishing  the  reformed  religion  in  re 
land  enacted,  that  every  rector,  on  induction,  should 
take  an  oath  to  establish  and  maintain  a  school  in 
his  parish  for  the  education  of  the  poor.  So  far, 
the  statute  was  obeyed.  The  oath  was  regularly 
taken,  and  its  obligation  as  regularly  disregarded, 
down  to  the  commencement  of  the  present  century. 
The  intentions  of  the  queen  and  her  advisers  in 
England  were  doubtless  wise  and  good ;  but,  igno- 
rant of  all  the  circumstances  of  the  country,  and 
surrounded  by  those  who  thought  it  their  interest  to 
mislead  her,  she  made  use  of  means,  not  only  inade- 
quate, but  ruinous  to  the  cause  they  were  designed 
to  support.  Thus  it  happened  that  the  Reformation, 
the  primary  and  great  cause  of  the  happiness  and 
the  glory  of  England,  produced  in  Ireland  nothing 
but  confusion  and  misery  and  degradation.  There 
were  many  golden  opportunities  offered,  when,  by 
temperate  and  judicious  measures,  Protestantism 
might  have  been  fixed  in  Ireland  on  a  secure  basis. 
They  were  all  lost  by  the  culpable  negligence  of 
some,  or  the  more  culpable  profligacy  of  others.  It 
is  painful  to  dwell  on  the  sins  of  omission  and  com- 
mission of  the  Church  of  England,  of  which  the 
writer  is  a  devoted  member;  but  it  is  worse  than 
useless  to  disguise  the  truth.  Its  establishment  in 
Ireland  exhibits  the  most  flagrant  instances  of  both 
positive  and  negative  delinquency,  which,  as  our  his- 
tory will  show,  have  produced  the  most  pernicious 
and  fatal  consequence*. 


HISTORY    OF   IRELAND.  163 


CHAPTER  X. 

The  Wars  against  John  O'Neill  and  the  Earl  oj  Desmona 

THE  proceedings  of  John  O'Neill  continued  to  fill 
the  inhabitants  of  the  Pale  with  alarm :  he  had 
forced  the  O'Reilly's  to  become  his  tributaries,  and 
give  hostages  for  their  fidelity ;  he  had  revenged 
his  late  loss  in  Tyrconnel,  by  a  new  and  successful 
invasion  of  that  district ;  and  he  had  erected  a 
strong  fort  on  one  of  his  islands,  whose  name,  Foogh- 
ne-Gall  (the  terror  of  the  stranger),  showed  that  he 
was  determined  to  assert  his  independence.  The 
representations  of  the  colonists  induced  the  deputy 
to  march  with  all  his  forces  against  this  powerful 
chief;  and  O'Neill,  assembling  his  vassals,  prepared 
for  a  desperate  resistance.  Neither  party  was  will- 
ing to  commence  hostilities.  O'Neill  dreaded  to 
encounter  the  entire  power  of  England;  Sussex,  the 
deputy,  a  blunt  honest  soldier,  was  disinclined,  by 
an  unnecessary  war,  to  gratify  the  rapacity  of  those 
who  longed  to  enrich  themselves  by  confiscations. 
By  the  mediation  of  the  Earl  of  Kildare,  an  accom- 
modation was  effected.  O'Neill,  as  before,  professed 
entire  submission;  but  stated  that  he  was  compelled 
to  take  arms  by  the  artifices  of  his  enemies,  who 
seduced  his  vassals  to  revolt,  and  had  even  attempted 
to  destroy  him  by  assassination.  Of  such  detestable 
practices  he  offered  the  strongest  proofs;  and  Sus- 
sex, satisfied  with  the  apology,  acknowledged  his 
title  as  tanist,  and  gave  him  reason  to  hope  that  the 
patent  formerly  granted  to  his  brother  Matthew  would 
oe  revoked,  and  that  he  should  himself  be  acknow- 
ledged heir  to  the  earldom  of  Tyrone. 


*64  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

Encouraged  by  the  deputy,  O'Neill  resolved  on 
proceeding  to  London,  and  laying  his  claims  before 
the  queen  in  person.  He  even  accompanied  the 
deputy  to  Dublin,  though  he  well  knew  that  the  un- 
derlings of  the  government  there  were  bent  on  his 
destruction.  Soon  after  his  arrival,  the  Irish  chief 
was  informed  that  a  plot  was  formed  for  his  arrest ; 
and  that  nothing  but  a  speedy  departure  for  England 
could  save  him  from  imprisonment.  The  character 
of  Sussex  forbids  us  to  believe  that  he  had  any  con- 
cern in  the  meditated  treachery.  It  is  however 
doubtful,  if  it  had  succeeded,  whether  he  could  have 
esisted  his  colleagues  at  the  council-board.  O'Neill 
lost  no  time  in  making  his  escape.  He  set  sail  with 
a  trusty  band  of  followers,  armed  and  dressed  after 
the  manner  of  their  country,  and  soon  arrived  in 
London. 

The  actual  appearance  of  a  native  chief,  attended 
by  his  escort  of  wild  Irishmen,  created  a  sensation 
in  the  English  capital  that  has  rarely  been  equalled. 
O'Neill  had  judiciously  selected  the  tallest  and  best 
looking  of  his  Galloglasses ;  their  heads  were  bare, 
protected  only  by  long  and  flowing  tresses  ;  they 
wore  linen  vests  of  a  deep  saffron  colour,  with  wide 
open  sleeves,  protected  by  a  light  and  graceful  coat- 
of-mail ;  their  arms  were  broad  battle-axes  and  short 
swords,  forming  altogether  a  spectacle  equally  novel 
and  interesting.  The  citizens  of  London,  then  as 
now  ardent  admirers  of  novelty,  were  enraptured  ; 
they  crowded  round  the  chief,  and  loudly  cheered 
him  as  he  passed  through  the  streets.  Elizabeth 
herself  was  delighted  at  so  romantic  an  incident ;  she 
received  O'Neill  with  more  than  ordinary  favour; 
listened  to  his  allegations  with  complacency ;  prom- 
ised to  do  his  claims  full  justice :  and  added  to 
these  substantial  benefits  flattering  courtesies  of  a 
more  intoxicating  nature. 

The  return  of  O'Neill,  confirmed  in  all  his  honours, 
and  the  complete  acknowledgment  of  his  right  to  the 


HISTORY    OF   IRELAND.  165 

Htle  and  estates  of  Tyrone  immediately  after,  filled 
the  queen's  Irish  servants  with  dismay.  The  Irish 
chief,  with  more  loyalty  than  prudence,  proceeded  to 
give  the  strorgest  proof  of  the  sincerity  of  his  alle- 
giance, by  attacking  the  Hebridean  Scots,  who  had 
been  hitherto  his  most  zealous  allies  in  the  wars 
with  the  English.  O'Neill  completely  conquered 
these  marauders,  and  obtained  the  warmest  thanks 
from  the  queen  as  his  reward ;  but  her  gratitude 
was  limited  to  words,  and  was  more  than  counter- 
balanced by  the  jealousy  and  hatred  with  which  the 
lords  of  the  Pale  regarded  this  great  leader.  The 
services  of  O'Neill  could  not  be  misrepresented  ;  his 
conduct  defied  the  strictest  scrutiny  ;  but  it  was  easy 
to  attribute  to  him  evil  designs  and  dangerous  inten- 
tions. The  officers  of  the  crown  in  Ireland  were 
liberal  in  discovering  motives  for  the  most  innocent 
actions  of  the  great  northern  earl.  They  sent  over 
countless  letters,  detailing  the  dangers  to  be  appre- 
hended from  the  revolt  which  they  asserted  he  medi- 
tated. His  success  over  the  Scots  was,  in  their  re- 
presentations, a  mere  cloak  for  treason ;  his  war 
against  these  invaders,  a  pretext  for  maintaining  an 
army  without  suspicion.  Worn  out  by  a  succession 
of  such  messages,  Elizabeth  at  length  replied,  that 
"  if  he  revolted,  it  would  be  the  better  for  her  ser- 
vants, as  there  would  be  estates  enough  for  them 
all." 

This  memorable  answer  has  often  been  quoted  as 
an  exemplification  of  the  detestable  policy  subse- 
quently practised  in  numerous  instances  ;  namely,  to 
provoke  the  Irish  proprietors  to  revolt,  in  order  that 
their  estates  might  be  forfeited,  and  shared  among 
the  rapacious  retainers  of  government.  Such,  how- 
ever, was  not  perhaps  Elizabeth's  design.  Though 
she  was  indisputably  a  heartless  tyrant,  and  on  more 
occasions  than  one  openly  and  atrociously  violated 
toe  first  principles  of  justice,  it  would  be  too  violent 


166  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

an  inference  to  say  that  her  hasty  reply  to  calm 
groundless  fears  and  check  absurd  terrors,  was  in- 
tended as  a  serious  avowal  of  abominable  treachery, 
adopted  as  a  principle  of  government.  But  what- 
ever meaning-  the  queen  affixed  to  this  ill-omened 
phrase,  her  servants  in  Ireland  interpreted  it  in  the 
worst  sense.  Thenceforward,  the  hope  of  acquiring 
great  northern  estates  became  their  ruling  principle 
of  action,  and  the  commencement  of  a  rebellion  the 
object  of  their  earnest  prayers. 

Sir  Henry  Sydney,  the  new  lord-deputy,  was  per- 
suaded by  the  council  to  station  a  garrison  at  Derry, 
in  the  very  heart  of  O'Neill's  country — a  measure 
equally  unnecessary  and  insulting.  It  was  unneces- 
sary, for  the  country  was  perfectly  tranquil ;  and,  at 
all  events,  the  distance  of  Derry  from  the  Pale  made 
the  garrison  useless  in  case  of  commotion.  It  was 
insulting,  for  it  showed  O'Neill  that  he  was  suspected 
by  the  government ;  and  it  besides  lowered  his  dig- 
nity with  his  followers,  who  thought  that,  having 
been  received  into  favour  by  the  queen,  he  had  a 
right  to  the  command  of  any  royal  force  stationed 
within  his  districts.  Many  modern  writers,  looking 
upon  the  relation  between  O'Neill  and  Elizabeth  as 
precisely  the  same  as  that  which  existed  between 
the  queen  and  any  PLiglish  nobleman,  have  taken  the 
pains  to  show  that  this  garrison  formed  no  just  ground 
of  complaint.  But  the  Irish  chief  stood  in  no  such 
relation.  He  was  a  petty  prince,  and  not  a  feudal 
baron.  The  allegiance  which  he  owed  the  crown 
was  the  same  as  that  which  the  German  princes  an- 
ciently gave  to  the  emperor,  as  may  easily  be  proved 
by  referring  to  the  numerous  treaties  made  at  differ- 
ent times  between  the  O'Nials  and  the  English  gov- 
ernment. 

As  had  been  foreseen,  O'Neill  resolved  to  remove 
the  garrison  of  Derry  at  all  hazards  ;  but  with  his 
usual  policy,  he  contrived  to  nnke  the  English  the 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  16? 

aggressors.  He  led  a  body  of  forces  before  the  walls 
of  the  garrison,  which  Randolph  the  governor  im- 
mediately attacked,  but  was  defeated  and  slain. 
O'Neill  sent  a  strong  remonstrance  to  the  deputy 
against  this  unwarrantable  act  of  hostility,  and  pro- 
posed a  conference  at  Dundalk,  in  order  to  explain 
his  grievances.  But  before  any  amicable  arrange- 
ment could  be  made,  news  arrived  that  the  magazine 
of  Derry  had  been  blown  up  by  accident,  and  the 
garrison  forced  to  evacuate  the  town.  This  event 
was  magnified  into  a  stupendous  miracle  by  some 
idle  fanatics.  It  was  asserted  that  the  holy  Kolum- 
kill,  indignant  at  the  profanation  of  his  favourite 
residence,  had  sent  an  enormous  wolf,  with  a  blazing 
brand  in  her  mouth,  which  she  dropped  in  the  church 
desecrated  by  the  heretics  to  an  arsenal.  This 
monstrous  fiction  could  scarcely  have  imposed  on 
O'Neill,  but  it  was  greedily  received  by  his  ignorant 
followers.  Pretended  miracles  in  favour  of  the 
Romish  religion  have  been  of  frequent  occurrence 
in  Ireland,  and  are  not  quite  laid  aside  at  the  present 
day.  The  writer  of  this  history  remembers  to  have 
heard  of  at  least  a  hundred  within  the  last  twenty 
years,  which,  though  to  the  full  as  absurd  as  that  of 
the  incendiary  wolf,  were  firmly  believed  by  the  lower 
orders.  Inspired  either  by  belief  in  the  miracle,  or  the 
confidence  which  the  tale  gave  his  adherents,  O'Neill 
refused  to  meet  the  deputy,  and  openly  raised  the 
standard  of  revolt.  His  first  enterprise  was  an  at- 
tack upon  Ardmagh,  which  he  took  by  assault,  and 
burned  down  the  cathedral,  because  it  had  been  pol- 
luted by  the  reformed  worship.  He  then  devastated 
Fermanagh,  and  even  ventured  to  attack  Dundalk, 
but  was  repulsed  with  loss  and  disgrace.  O'Neill 
soon  found  that  the  deputy  had  anticipated  the  war, 
and  that  the  emissaries  quartered  at  Derry  had  been 
secretly  undermining  his  power,  from  the  first  mo- 
ment of  their  arrival  in  his  country.  O'Donnell  of 


168  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

Tyrconnell  and  M'Guire  of  Fermanah  were  per- 
suaded lo  support  the  English  government;  and 
several  inferior  septs  which  had  hitherto  acknow- 
ledged his  power  now  refused  obedience.  Still  the 
gallant  chief  was  undaunted.  He  sent  emissaries  to 
the  Earl  of  Desmond  and  the  chiefs  of  Connaught, 
inciting  them  to  revolt;  and  even  despatched  agents 
to  the  courts  of  Rome  and  Spain,  requesting  them  to 
assist  him  in  restoring  the  Catholic  church  of  Ire- 
land. But  all  his  efforts  were  vain ;  he  was  now 
fairly  in  the  toils,  and  escape  was  impossible.  Des- 
mond, his  chief  hope,  declared  for  the  government, 
and  from  abroad  there  appeared  no  sign  of  relief. 
His  faithful  followers,  surrounded  by  enemies  on  all 
sides,  fell  gallantly,  but  fell  in  vain ;  and  at  last  the 
chief  was  unwillingly  forced  to  acknowledge  that 
further  resistance  was  useless.  He  now  resolved  to 
surrender  himself  to  the  deputy,  and  throw  himself 
on  the  mercy  of  the  government.  But  just  as  he 
iVas  about  to  depart,  his  secretary  reminded  him  of 
the  fate  of  O'Moore,  and  recommended  him  to  seek 
in  preference,  the  protection  of  his  old  allies  the  He- 
bridean  Scots.  A  large  body  of  these  adventurers 
was  now  encamped  at  Clan-hu-boy  ;  and  though  they 
had  lately  suffered  severely  from  O'Neill's  hostility, 
he  trusted  that  they  would  aid  him  against  the  Eng- 
lish, their  common  enemy. 

Having  sent  an  embassy  to  Clan-hu-boy,  and  ob- 
tained a  favourable  answer,  O'Neill,  with  a  few  faith- 
ful followers,  proceeded  to  the  Scottish  camp.  But 
an  emissary  of  government  had  preceded  him.  Piers, 
a  British  officer,  a  disgrace  to  his  country  and  his 
profession,  had  undertaken  the  task  of  persuading 
the  Scottish  chief  to  murder  his  unsuspecting  guest. 
The  desire  of  revenge  united  with  the  thirst  of  gain 
in  seducing  Clan-hu-boy  to  consent.  At  an  enter- 
tainment given  by  an  Irish  lord,  a  preconcerted 
quarrel  was  raised  with  some  of  O'Neill's  followers. 


HISTORY   OP   IRELAND  169 

At  a  given  signal  the  banqueting-room  was  filled 
with  soldiers,  and  all  the  Irish  were  slain.  O'Neill's 
head  was  sent  to  Dublin,  and  Piers  received  a  thou- 
sand marks  from  the  government  as  a  reward  foi 
the  murder.  The  deputy  then  marched  through  Ty- 
rone without  meeting  any  resistance,  and  nominated 
a  feeble  old  man  tanist  of  the  sept,  to  prevent  the 
clan  from  choosing  a  more  efficient  leader. 

Thus  terminated  the  first  important  civil  war  after 
the  Reformation.  It  cannot  without  a  gross  abuse 
of  terms  be  called  a  rebellion  ;  and  the  authors  who 
have  chosen  to  describe  it  as  a  religious  rebellion 
are  guilty  of  positive  and  wanton  falsehood.  The 
burning  of  the  cathedral  at  Ardmagh,  the  only  evi- 
dence of  hostility  to  the  newly  established  form  of 
religion,  was,  in  O'Neill's  circumstances,  an  act  of 
necessary  policy.  When  his  old  feudatories  and 
friends  were  bribed  to  desertion  ;  when  his  allies  in 
the  west  and  south  became  either  neutral  or  hostile  ; 
when  he  was  left  almost  alone  amid  his  enemies,  the 
only  chance  of  escape  remaining  was  to  obtain  aid 
from  abroad.  The  orthodoxy  of  the  chieftain  was 
more  than  suspected.  Tn  fact,  he  was  supposed  to 
have  become  attached  to  the  principles  of  the  Reform- 
ation during  his  visit  to  England,  and  to  have  been 
deterred  from  a  public  acknowledgment  of  his  con- 
version by  a  well-grounded  fear  of  losin.tr  the  confi- 
dence of  his  followers,  without  in  the  slightest  de- 
gree abating  the  rancorous  and  rapacious  enmity  of 
the  Irish  government.  He  burned  the  cathedral  a< 
an  evidence  of  his  sincerity  in  the  cause  of  the  old 
religion  ;  but  the  Romish  party  still  refused  to  trust 
him  ;  and  some  of  its  most  violent  supporters  united 
with  the  deputy  for  his  destruction.  But  though  the 
war  against  O'Neill  had  no  connexion  with  religion, 
?ither  in  its  cause  or  progress,  its  consequences 
ivere  most  injurious  to  the  cause  of  the  Reformation. 
The  detestable  policy  by  which  their  favourite  leader 
was  destroyed  inspired  the  Irish  with  a  fierce  hatred 

1.— N 


170  HISTORY    OF   IRELAND. 

against  every  English  institution,  civil  and  religious. 
They  judged  of  the  new  system  by  its  effects ;  ana 
these  they  found  were  treachery,  robbery,  and  as- 
sassination. 

The  lords  of  the  Pale  and  the  other  barons  ol 
Norman  descent  witnessed  the  destruction  of  O'Neill 
with  indifference.  They  little  thought  that  the  gov- 
ernors looked  with  equal  cupidity  on  the  estates  of 
the  native  Irish,  and  the  extensive  domains  acquired 
by  the  descendants  of  the  early  settlers.  But  they 
were  soon  taught  that  rapacious  avarice  is  indiscrim- 
inate in  its  objects ;  and  that  one  successful  act  of 
treacherous  policy  soon  leads  to  the  commission  of 
another.  The  vast  estates  of  the  Earl  of  Desmond 
were  not  likely  to  escape  the  notice  of  those  whom 
a  contemporary  justly  calls  "  the  hungry  vultures  that 
haunted  the  castle  of  Dublin."  His  power,  from  the 
union  of  the  privileges  both  of  an  English  peer  and 
an  Irish  chief,  was  viewed  by  the  government  with 
a  jealous  eye;  and  the  several  lords-deputy  were 
offended  by  the  style  of  haughty  independence  as- 
sumed on  all  occasions  by  the  proud  nobleman.  His 
wars  with  the  Butlers  were  frequent.  On  one  oc- 
casion he  was  wounded,  made  prisoner,  and  borne 
by  his  enemies  in  a  litter  from  the  field.  "  Where 
now  is  the  great  Earl  of  Desmond  ?"  asked  the  in- 
sulting victors.  "  Where,  but  in  his  proper  place  ?" 
replied  the  gallant  lord,  "  still  upon  the  necks  of  the 
Butlers."  Ormond,  his  great  rival,  inferior  to  the 
Geraldine  in  wealth,  power,  and  valour,  more  than 
atoned  for  this  deficiency  by  his  political  skill  and 
superior  talents  as  a  courtier.  He  visited  England, 
and  soon  insinuated  himself  into  the  confidence  of 
the  queen.  He  returned  to  Dublin,  justly  believing 
that  the  royal  favour  would  more  than  counter- 
balance the  valour  of  his  rival,  or  the  justice  of  his 
claims.  The  dispute  about  the  boundaries  of  their 
several  estates  was  referred  to  Sydney,  the  lord- 
deputy.  After  a  c;ireful  investigation  he  decided  in 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  ,71 

favour  of  Desmond.  Ormond  appea'ed  to  the  queen, 
and  accused  Sydney  of  partiality.  Without  the 
slightest  inquiry  Elizabeth  severely  reprimanded  the 
chief  governor,  and  commanded  him  to  examine  the 
case  again.  Sydney,  on  the  second  trial,  reversed 
his  former  decision,  and  not  only  commanded  Des 
mond  to  restore  the  disputed  lands,  but  also  to  re- 
imburse Ormond  for  the  losses  he  had  sustained. 
Irritated  at  such  flagrant  injustice,  Desmond  flatly 
refused  obedience;  whereupon  he  was  seized  by  the 
deputy,  and  sent  a  prisoner  to  Dublin.  The  earl 
requested  permission  to  lay  his  grievances  before  the 
queen,  which  was  granted.  He  proceeded  to  Lon- 
don with  several  Irish  lords,  who  were  graciously 
received  ;  but  Desmond  and  his  brother  were,  with- 
out the  slightest  investigation  sent  to  the  Tower, 
where  they  were  detained  as  prisoners  for  several 
years.  It  is  not  surprising  that  such  monstrous  tyr- 
anny should  inspire  both  with  an  aversion  to  the 
English  government  that  ended  only  with  their  lives. 
The  murder  of  O'Neill  and  the  imprisonment  of 
Desmond  became  the  signal  for  new  commotions  in 
Ireland.  Sir  Edmund  Butler,  brother  to  the  Earl  of 
Ormond,  seized  the  opportunity  of  attacking  the 
Gerald ines,  now  deprived  of  their  head,  and  dis- 
tracted by  internal  dissensions.  The  Earl  of  Cian- 
carty  deemed  the  moment  favourable  for  claiming 
The  sovereignty  of  Minister,  and  took  up  arms  for 
the  purpose.  Even  Tirlough  of  Tyrone,  who  had 
been  set  up  in  O'Neill's  place,  was  about  to  show 
the  usual  ambition  of  his  family.  In  the  midst  of 
these  disorders  Sydney  summoned  a  parliament, 
and  at  the  same  time  took  very  extraordinary  pre- 
caut;ons  to  secure  a  majority.  Several  members 
were  returned  for  towns  that  had  never  been  incor- 
porated ;  not  a  few  of  the  sheriffs  and  magistrates 
returned  themselves ;  and  a  number  of  the  depend- 
ants of  the  court  were  nominally  elected  for  places 
of  which  they  did  not  even  know  the  name.  Tha 


172  HISTORY    OF   IRELAND. 

latter  circumstance  is  not  imparalleled  in  the  modem 
history  of  the  Irish  legislature,  if  we  may  credit  an 
anecdote  that  was  publicly  related  in  the  Irish  par- 
liament. Shortly  before  the  union,  a  member  for  a 
Munster  borough,  being  in  London,  wished  to  hear 
a  debate  in  the  English  House  of  Commons.  He  pre- 
sented himself  to  the  doorkeeper,  and  asked  to  be 
shown  to  the  place  set  apart  for  Irish  members. 
The  doorkeeper  asked  his  name,  and  the  place  which 
he  represented.  The  former  query  was  readily  an- 
swered, but  the  latter  could  not  meet  a  reply.  "  We 
are  obliged  to  be  particular,"  said  the  officer,  "  for 
Barrington  the  pickpocket  got  admittance  here  some 
nights  since  as  an  Irish  member." — "  Really,  I  for- 
get the  name  of  my  borough,"  said  this  worthy  rep- 
resentative of  an  independent  constituency ;  "  but 
if  you  bring  rne  the  Irish  Directory,  I  will  show  i 
to  you  immediately." 

Notwithstanding  all  the  care  of  Sydney,  the  op- 
ponents of  government  constituted  a  respectable 
minority,  and  the  loudness  of  their  clamours  in  some 
degree  compensated  for  their  numerical  deficiency. 
Headed  by  Sir  Edmund  Butler  and  Sir  Christopher 
Barnewal,  a  gentleman  of  great  legal  acquirements, 
the  opposition  arraigned  the  constitution  of  the  par- 
liament, and  expressly  denied  its  competency  to  pass 
any  single  act.  The  judges  were  consulted  on  this 
important  topic,  and  of  course  decided  in  favour  of 
the  crown.  They  were,  however,  obliged  to  go  to 
the  House  of  Commons  and  deliver  their  opinions 
in  person,  before  Barnewal  and  his  party  could  be 
awed  into  submission.  At  length  a  bill  was  intro- 
duced, in  the  support  of  which  all  showed  wondrous 
leal  and  unanimity.  This  was  an  act  for  the  for- 
feiture of  O'Neill's  estates,  and  vesting  the  property 
of  Tyrone  in  the  crown.  The  hope  of  sharing  the 
spoil  for  once  reconciled  the  English  by  birth  and 
the  English  by  blood ;  and  this  wholesale  confis- 
cation passed  without  a  dissentient  voice.  In  otlwr 


HISTORY    OF   IRELAND.  173 

matters  the  opposition  showed  less  compliance ; 
and  a  stormy  session,  in  which  much  was  said  and 
little  done,  was  at  length  abruptly  terminated  by  an 
angry  prorogation. 

Sir  Edmund  Butler  returned  home,  determined  to 
resist  the  government  by  every  means  in  his  power. 
Sir  Peter  Carew  laid  claim  to  some  lands  possessed 
by  this  turbulent  knight ;  and  Butler,  aware  that  the 
law  was  in  favour  of  his  adversary,  prepared  to  de- 
fend his  possessions  by  force  of  arms.  At  the  same 
time  the  Geraldines  of  Desmond,  enraged  at  the  im- 
prisonment of  the  earl,  were  said  to  have  received  a 
Spanish  emissary,  and  to  have  united  with  their 
mortal  enemies  the  Butlers  in  preparing  a  general 
revolt.  Carew  was  ordered  to  march  against  Butler, 
and  immediately  put  his  army  in  motion.  He 
stormed  one  of  his  rival's  castles,  ravaged  his  lands, 
and  then,  advancing  to  Kilkenny,  took  quiet  posses- 
sion of  the  town.  Hearing  that  a  party  of  Butlers 
were  in  the  neighbourhood,  he  marched  out  and 
found  an  unarmed  multitude,  seemingly  collected 
from  mere  curiosity.  Carew,  however,  anxious  to 
signalize  his  valour,  assailed  the  unsuspecting  assem- 
blage, and  slew  four  hundred  without  the  least 
resistance.  This  of  course  was  represented  by  the 
partisans  of  government  as  a  glorious  victory  ;  but 
there  were  many  who  denounced  it  as  a  barbarous 
and  inhuman  carnage. 

About  this  time  Sir  John  Perrot  began  to  take  a 
lead  in  the  affairs  of  Ireland.  He  was  supposed  to 
be  the  natural  son  of  Henry  the  Eighth,  and  he  in- 
herited much  of  the  better  parts  of  that  monarch's 
character.  Proud,  fiery,  and  inflexible,  he  braved 
every  danger  and  faced  every  difficulty ;  but  equally 
politic  and  humane,  he  restrained  the  rabid  appetite 
for  blood  which  Elizabeth's  officers  too  frequently 
exhibited.  By  a  judicious  exertion  of  military  skill 
and  conciliating  measures  he  reduced  the  south  to 


174  HISTORY    OF   IRELAND. 

tranquillity,  and  made  Fitz-Maurice  the  leader  of  the 
Geraldines  a  prisoner. 

Sir  William  Fitz-William  succeeded  Sydney  in  the 
government  of  Ireland.  During1  his  administration 
several  grants  of  the  forfeited  lands  were  made  by 
Elizabeth  ;  but  by  the  acts  of  her  own  servants  they 
were  all  rendered  ineffectual.  The  retainers  of  gov- 
ernment thought  that,  as  they  had  struck  down  the 
victim,  the  spoil  should  be  shared  solely  among 
themselves.  Elizabeth  had  no  such  design.  She 
meditated  a  project,  afterward  executed  by  her  suc- 
cessor, the  plantation  of  Ulster  with  English  colo 
nies,  holding  their  possessions  from  the  crown  by  a 
species  of  military  tenure.  The  most  remarkable 
adventurer  that  embarked  in  this  scheme  was  Wal- 
ter Devereux  Earl  of  Essex,  whose  hopes  were  so 
sanguine,  that  he  mortgaged  his  estate  to  the  queen 
for  ten  thousand  pounds,  in  order  to  have  sufficient 
funds  for  the  expedition. 

Opposed  by  the  inveterate  hostility  of  the  native 
Irish  and  the  secret  artifices  of  the  local  govern- 
ment, the  Earl  of  Essex  and  the  other  adventurers, 
after  a  great  waste  of  blood  and  treasure,  at  length 
began  to  despair  of  success.  Essex  petitioned  to  be 
recalled ;  but,  by  the  influence  of  his  rival  the  Earl 
of  Leicester,  Elizabeth  was  persuaded  to  refuse  the 
request,  and  the  disturbed  state  of  Ireland  afforded 
a  sufficient  pretext  for  detaining  him  in  that  country. 
The  Earl  of  Desmond  and  his  brother,  who  had  been 
transmitted  to  Dublin,  and  still  detained  in  custody, 
made  their  escape  by  the  connivance  of  the  mayor, 
and  were  supposed  to  be  disposed  to  excite  new  dis- 
turbances. The  tyranny  and  cruelty  of  Sir  Edward 
Fitton,  the  President  of  Connaught,  had  driven  the 
De  Burghos  into  open  insurrection,  arid  the  old  sept 
of  Mac  Murchard  began  to  renew  hostilities  in  Lein- 
ster.  The  perfidious  conduct  of  Essex,  who  mur- 
dered a  chieftain  of  the  O'Neills,  after  having 
ireacherously  invited  him  to  dinner,  increased  the 


HISTORY   OF  IRELAND.  176 

hatred  which  the  northern  Irish  felt  towards  the  in- 
truders into  their  possessions.  He  was  also  har- 
assed by  the  jealousy  of  Leicester  and  by  the  secret 
practices  of  the  local  government.  At  length  he  fell 
a  victim  to  this  combination  of  perplexities,  and  died 
of  vexation;  though  others  assert  that  he  was  poi- 
soned by  Leicester's  a^ent,  a  suspicion  partly  con- 
firmed by  the  immediate  marriage  of  that  nobleman 
to  the  Countess  of  Essex. 

A.  D.  1576. — Sir  Henry  Sydney  was  again  sent  to 
Ireland,  at  a  time  when  plague  and  pestilence  were 
added  to  the  calamities  under  which  that  wretched 
country  laboured.  The  deputy,  by  a  vigorous  dis- 
play of  power,  overawed  the  discontented  m  the 
west  and  north.  On  the  removal  of  Perrot,  he  sent 
Sir  William  Drury  as  president  into  M  mister,  trust- 
ing that  his  firmness  and  valour  would  establish  the 
supremacy  of  the  law  in  that  province.  Drury,  who 
had  displayed  considerable  abilities  as  Governor  of 
Berwick,  seems  to  have  been  in  many  respects  well 
calculated  for  this  important  office.  Unfortunately 
he  laboured  under  the  disadvantage  of  being  wholly 
ignorant  of  the  usages  of  the  people  over  whom  he 
had  to  preside,  and,  like  most  of  Elizabeth's  cour- 
tiers, was  inclined  to  despise  the  ancient  nobility  of 
the  country.  The  presidentiary  courts,  from  which 
the  present  Irish  courts  of  quarter-session  are  de- 
rived, were  regulated  more  by  the  discretion  of  the 
president  than  by  established  principles  of  law  ;  con- 
sequently, their  efficiency  and  utility  depended  alto- 
gether on  the  personal  character  of  the  judge.  In 
Connaught,  Sir  Edward  Fitton  had  made  these 
courts  shocking  engines  of  oppression.  In  Munster, 
under  the  administration  of  Drury,  they  were  made 
to  contribute  essentially  to  the  tranquillity  of  the 
country.  Edward  III.  had  granted  the  royalties  of 
Kerry  to  the  Geraldines  of  Desmond ;  and  the  male- 
factors, whom  the  vigour  of  Drury  had  driven  from 
other  parts  of  Munster,  found  refuge  in  that  palati 


176  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

nate.  Drury  resolved  to  disregard  all  patent  rights 
and  vested  interests  which  endangered  the  public 
peace ;  and  declared  his  intention  of  proceeding  to 
hold  his  court  in  Kerry.  Desmond  at  first  remon- 
strated ;  but  finding  the  president  obstinate,  he  con- 
tented himself  with  making  a  formal  protest,  and  in- 
vited Drury  to  his  house  in  Tralee.  The  invitation 
was  accepted ;  the  president  with  his  train  pro- 
ceeded to  Kerry,  and  was  met  on  his  entrance  into 
the  district  by  a  large  body  of  the  Geraldines,  whom 
Desmond  had  sent  to  welcome  his  arrival.  Drury, 
filled  with  the  suspicions  and  jealousies  of  an  Eng- 
lish stranger,  mistook  these  men  for  enemies  ;  and 
without  waiting  for  a  moment's  parley  ordered  his 
soldiers  to  charge.  The  Geraldines,  without  at- 
tempting the  least  resistance,  fled  in  utter  amaze- 
ment, leaving  the  Countess  of  Desmond  to  explain 
the  extraordinary  incident.  Drury  had  the  grace  to 
be  ashamed  of  his  suspicions,  and  harmony  was  soon 
restored. 

fSir  Henry  Sydney,  having  thus  tranquillized  the 
country,  determined  to  relieve  the  English  govern- 
ment from  some  part  of  the  great  expenses  which 
the  state  of  Ireland  had  imposed  upon  it  The  tax 
of  purveyance,  or  a  certain  supply  of  provisions  for 
the  royal  garrisons  and  the  support  of  the  governors 
table,  had  been  levied  irregularly  for  several  years 
in  the  English  pale.  Most  of  the  nobles,  however, 
claimed  the  privilege  of  exemption,  and  threw  the 
entire  burden  on  the  labouring  classes.  Sydney 
now  resolved  to  convert  this  occasional  subsidy 
into  a  permanent  revenue,  and  to  levy  it  equitably 
on  all,  somewhat  in  the  manner  of  a  county  rate 
That  this  was  an  undue  extension  of  the  royal  pre- 
rogative cannot  be  doubted ;  but  similar  violations 
of  the  constitution  were  not  unfrequent  during  the 
reigns  of  the  Tuclors,  and  the  measure  itself  was 
manifestly  equitable  and  beneficial.  The  loyalists 
af  the  pale,  however,  cared  little  for  jastice  or  na- 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  177 

nonal  interests,  and  resolved  to  make  a  determined 
resistance.  They  expressly  denied  the  right  of  the 
queen  or  her  deputy  to  levy  taxes  without  the  au- 
thority of  Parliament, — that  is,  without  their  own ; 
for  as  yet  few,  if  any,  but  the  proprietors  of  the  pale, 
had  a  share  in  the  Irish  legislature.  The  queen  was 
confounded  and  provoked  by  this  unexpected  oppo- 
sition. The  outrageous  professions  of  loyalty  made 
by  the  lords  of  the  pale,  when  they  wished  that 
their  unprincipled  aggress%ns  on  the  Irish  should 
be  sanctioned  by  royal  authority,  were  forgotten 
when  the  power  was  to  be  exercised  against  them- 
selves. The  passive  obedience  and  non-resistance 
which  they  had  preached  was  found  to  mean 
nothing  more  than  the  support  of  the  royal  power 
when  it  did  not  interfere  with  their  own  intf  rested 
views.  The  deputy,  however,  encouraged  by  the 
queen,  determined  to  persevere  ;  and  the  proprietors 
of  the  pale  were  equally  resolute  not  to  yield.  They 
sent  over  a  deputation  to  remonstrate  with  the 
queen ;  and  that  imperious  princess  at  once  threw 
the  agents  into  prison.  Even  this  spirited  proceed- 
ing failed  to  humble  the  factious  oligarchy;  they 
persisted  in  their  opposition,  and  finally  triumphed 
Elizabeth  compromised  the  affair  by  accepting  an 
apology  for  the  undutiful  manner  of  the  remon- 
strance, and  the  proposed  assessment  was  laid 
aside. 

Thus  terminated  a  transaction  which  most  Irish 
historians  have  studiously  misrepresented.  The 
advocates  of  the  oligarchy  describe  it  as  an  unwar- 
rantable usurpation  on  the  part  of  the  government, 
which  ought  to  have  been  vigorously  resisted.  The 
few  who  support  the  cause  of  the  native  Irish  pro- 
fess to  see  in  it  a  continuation  of  the  systematic 
tyranny  which  they  attribute  to  all  English  rulers. 
Impartial  posterity  rejects  both,  even  though  both 
coincide  for  once  in  sentiment.  The  adoption  of 
the  measure  would  have  given  strength  to  the  gov- 


178  HISTORY  OF  IRELAND. 

eminent  and  security  to  the  nation.  It  would  also 
have  circumscribed  the  power  of  a  factious  ascend- 
ency, whose  extravagant  privileges  were  ever  op- 
posed to  the  justice  and  benevolence  of  the  prince — 
to  the  peace  and  the  happiness  of  the  people. 

The  state  of  Ireland  began  now  to  attract  the  at- 
tention of  foreign  nations.  The  courts  of  Rome 
and  Madrid,  inveterately  hostile  to  Elizabeth,  re- 
ceived with  kindness  the  numerous  exiles  whom 
the  tyranny  of  the  local  government  had  driven 
into  banishment;  and  it  soon  became  manifest  that 
new  and  more  formidable  calamities  impended  over 
that  wretched  island.  The  pope  had  really  some 
plausible  grounds  of  complaint.  Ireland  had  been 
literally  a  donation  from  the  holy  see  to  the  crown 
of  England;  and,  up  to  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII., 
the  English  monarchs  professed  to  govern  the 
island  as  deputies  to  the  successors  of  Saint  Peter. 
So  far,  then,  as  law  could  be  supposed  to  regulate 
the  affairs  of  nations,  Elizabeth  had,  by  her  heresy, 
forfeited  her  claim  to  Ireland,  and  the  pope  was 
fully  justified  in  reclaiming  the  grant.  These  plausi- 
ble arguments  were  so  frequently  repeated  that 
they  began  to  make  a  deep  impression  on  the  minds 
of  many  who  had  hitherto  acquiesced  in  Elizabeth's 
supremacy ;  and  the  systematic  cruelty  and  injustice 
of  the  local  government  in  Ireland  disposed  a  great 
part  of  the  people  to  seek  for  relief  in  a  change  of 
dynasty,  conscious  that  almost  any  alteration  would 
be  for  the  better. 

Fitz-Maurice,  one  of  the  Geraldines,  having  been 
long  detained  a  prisoner,  was  at  length  dismissed 
without  a  trial.  Inflamed  with  resentment,  he  vis- 
ited successively  the  courts  of  Paris,  Rome,  and 
Madrid,  representing  to  the  several  sovereigns  the 
hostility  of  the  Irish  to  their  present  rulers,  and  the 
ease  with  v  hich  the  conquest  of  that  island  might 
be  effected.  In  France  the  adventurer  met  no  en- 
couragement; at  Rome  he  received  promises  and 


HISTORY  OF   IRELAND.  178 

spiritual  aids  in  abundance,  but  neither  men  nor 
money ;  and  Philip  of  Spain  was  too  busily  engaged 
in  preparing  for  the  conquest  of  Portugal  to  lend 
him  any  assistance  (A.  D.  1578).  Fitz-Maurice, 
however,  was  not  discouraged ;  he  assembled  a 
troop  of  eighty  Spaniards,  and  with  this  handful 
of  men  determined  to  invade  Ireland.  So  little  was 
the  government  prepared  for  such  an  attempt  that 
the  fleet  had  been  withdrawn  from  the  southern 
coast,  and  Sydney  allowed  to  resign  the  office  of 
deputy  to  Sir  William  Drury. 

The  ill-omened  expedition  arrived  safely  in  the 
bay  of  Smerwick,  in  the  county  of  Kerry ;  but 
scarcely  had  the  invaders  landed  when  their  vessels 
were  taken  by  an  English  ship  of  war.  The  Earl 
of  Desmond  positively  refused  to  countenance  this 
insane  undertaking;  but  his  brothers  were  not 
equally  prudent.  Sir  James  and  Sir  John,  with  a 
small  troop  of  their  retainers,  joined  the  adventurers. 
Fitz-Maurice,  enraged  at  the  coolness  of  the  earl, 
pretended  to  doubt  the  sincerity  of  Sir  John  of  Des- 
mond, and  thus  induced  that  turbulent  knight  to 
prove  his  zeal  in  the  cause  by  an  atrocious  murder. 
Henry  Davels,  an  English  gentleman,  from  his  well- 
known  attachment  to  the  Geraldines,  was  supposed 
to  possess  considerable  influence  over  the  family  of 
Desmond,  and  was  therefore  sent  by  the  deputy,  on 
the  first  news  of  the  invasion,  to  persuade  them  to 
continue  their  allegiance.  He  succeeded  with  the 
earl,  and  did  not  altogether  despair  of  rescuing  Sir 
John  from  his  dangerous  enterprise.  But  while 
Davels  was  quietly  waiting  the  effect  of  his  remon- 
strances in  Tralee,  Sir  John  suddenly  attacked  the 
house  and  put  all  within  it  to  the  sword. 

The  invaders  were  everywhere  unsuccessful,  and 
Fitz-Maurice  was  slain  in  a  petty  skirmish  with  the 
De  Burghos.  The  lord-deputy  advanced  into  Mun- 
ster,  but  unfortunately  received  a  repulse  from  Sir 
John  Desmond.  This  disgrace  l*Tas,  however/ 


180  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

retrieved  by  Sir  Nicholas  Malby,  who  completely 
overthrew  the  insurgents  near  Kilmallock,  and  pur- 
sued them  with  considerable  slaughter.  Among-  the 
slain  was  found  the  body  of  Allen,  a  Jesuit,  who  had 
a  principal  share  in  prevailing  on  the  Geraldines  tr. 
take  up  arms.  The  Earl  of  Desmond  was  now  in  z 
most  embarrassing  situation.  He  had  taken  no 
share  in  the  insurrection ;  he  had  loudly  denounced 
the  atrocities  which  his  brother  sanctioned ;  but  he 
knew  that  he  was  viewed  with  suspicion  and  hatred 
by  the  local  government,  and  that  he  could  expect 
no  aid  from  England,  where  his  rival  Ormond  pos- 
sessed the  unlimited  confidence  of  the  queen.  No 
prudence  could  probably  have  saved  this  unfortunate 
nobleman,  whose  destruction  was  long  predeter- 
mined. His  professions  of  loyalty,  his  complaints 
of  unmerited  injuries,  were  equally  disregarded. 
Sir  William  Pelham,  who  had  been  elected  deputy 
on  the  death  of  Drury,  sent  him  a  peremptory  order 
to  surrender  himself  a  prisoner  within  twenty  days; 
and  on  his  refusal,  war  was  proclaimed  against  hirn 
as  a  traitor.  That  Desmond  was  justified  in  re- 
fusing is  evident.  The  political  history  of  Ireland, 
and  especially  the  state  trials  in  that  country,  fully 
exemplify  the  maxim  of  honest  old  Fuller, — "  It  is 
quarrel  and  cause  enough  to  bring  a  sheep  that  is 
fat  to  the  shambles."  In  fact,  the  partisans  of  gov- 
ernment deigned  not  to  disguise  that  the  possessions 
of  Desmond  were  deemed  too  extensive  for  a  subject, 
and  that  their  forfeiture  was  irrevocably  determined. 
Besides,  the  earl  remembered  his  former  severe  im- 
prisonment, and  was  naturally  disinclined  to  trust  a 
second  time  those  who  had  previously  treated  him 
v.'ith  tyranny  and  treachery. 

The  war  against  Desmond  was  conducted  with 
ferocious  cruelty,  unsurpassed  in  the  history  of 
mankind.  Fire,  famine,  and  slaughter  together  de- 
solated the  most  IV i tile  p;irts  of  Munster.  From 
the  savage  rage  of  a  relentless  soldiery  innocence 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  181 

Airnished  no  protection.  Helpless  infancy  and 
tottering  age  found  no  mercy.  Admiral  Winter, 
with  the  humanity  natural  to  a  British  sailor,  was 
shocked  by  the  horrid  massacre,  and  granted  protec- 
tion to  a  few  that  escaped  to  his  fleet.  Will  it  be 
believed  that  even  this  partial  mercy  was  denounced 
by  the  zealous  partisans  of  government,  who  would 
oe  satisfied  with  nothing  short  of  extermination  1 
Yes,  it  must  be  believed ;  for,  within  the  memory 
of  man,  the  merciful  policy  of  Lord  Cornwallis  was 
similarly  honoured  by  the  opposition  of  those  who 
were  maddened  by  a  rabid  appetite  for  blood. 

The  unfortunate  earl  bravely  prepared  to  sell  his 
life  as  dearly  as  he  could,  and  made  several  gallant 
attacks  on  his  adversaries.  In  one  of  these  he 
captured  the  town  of  Youghal,  and  soon  after  de- 
feated the  Earl  of  Ormond,  who  was  advancing  to 
succour  the  town.  Yet,  from  the  very  beginning, 
Desmond  despaired  of  final  success.  He  made  the 
most  humble  tenders  of  submission  and  allegiance, 
which  were  uniformly  rejected.  He  even  offered 
to  surrender  to  Winter,  on  condition  of  being  con- 
veyed to  England  to  plead  his  cause  before  the 
queen,  and  was  sternly  refused. 

The  government  of  Ireland  was  now  transferred 
to  one  whose  name  enjoys  a  bad  pre-eminence  in 
the  list  of  those  who  rivalled  in  Europe  the  barbari- 
ties of  the  Spaniards  in  South  America.  Arthur 
Lord  Grey  superseded  Pelham,  and  hastened,  by 
what  he  called  vigorous  efforts,  to  put  an  end  to  the 
Irish  war.  His  first  enterprise  was  an  attack  on 
the  sept  of  the  O'Byrnes,  who  were  said  to  have 
joined  Lord  Baltinglass  in  alliance  with  the  Geral- 
dhies,  and  to  have  formed  a  camp  within  twenty-five 
miles  of  Dublin.  The  station  chosen  by  the  in- 
surgents was  in  the  midst  of  those  wild  and  romantic 
valleys  in  the  county  of  Wicklow  which  are  now 
«o  often  visited  by  the  admirers  of  sublime  scenery. 


182  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

Their  principal  station  was  Glendalough,*  where 
the  massive  ruins  of  seven  churches  attest  the,  for- 
*«er  piety  and  civilization  of  Ireland.  Here,  se- 
t-ured  by  rock  and  mountain,  and  lake  and  morass, 
a  numerous  force  collected,  unable,  indeed,  to  meet 
even  a  detachment  of  regular  troops  in  the  field,  but 
strong  enough  to  defy  myriads  in  their  fastnesses. 
The  officers,  experienced  in  the  Irish  wars,  vainly 
remonstrated  with  the  deputy  when  commanded  to 
attack  this  impregnable  position ;  but  they  were 
answered  with  reproach  and  insult,  and  an  imme- 
diate assault  was  ordered.  The  soldiers  advanced 
through  ground  which  became  more  difficult  with 
every  step,  and  at  length  were  entangled  in  a  bog 
between  two  wooded  hills,  where  it  became  impos- 
sible to  preserve  any  longer  the  semblance  of  order. 
While  thus  confused  and  broken,  they  were  sud- 
denly exposed  to  a  murderous  fire,  that  opened  at 
once  on  front,  flank,  and  rear,  from  the  woods  and 
rocks  that  skirted  the  ravine.  No  exertion  of  the 
officers  could  save  this  devoted  army.  They  were 
cut  off  almost  to  a  man.  A  miserable  remnant 

*  For  details  regarding  the  present  state  of  Glendalough  the  reader 
may  refer  to  the  woiks  of  tourists,  and  road-books ;  but  whoever  would 
become  Mxjuamted  with  its  early  history,  and  the  splendour  of  its  city 
and  sacred  edifices,  must  consult  Lertwich's  valuable  "Antiquities 
of  Ireland,"  Dublin.  1790.  It  appears,  that  so  early  as  the  ninth  century 
a  large  and  ]x>pulous  city  of  undefined  rrm<: 
lovely  valley ;  that  wealth  flowed  in  it  aburida 


did,  in  riches  and  votive  offerings,  and  co 
object  of  plunder  to  the  piratical  freebooters  o 
fell  to  decay  that,  according  to  a  letter  still  ext 
O'Ruardan,  Archbishop  of  Tuam.  to  1'opn  Inno 
hack  it  had  become  a  den  and  nest  of  thieves  a 
murders  were  committed  in  that  valley  than  i 


i licence  existed  in  this 
itly;  but  abounding,  as 
iseqnently  becoming  an 
f  the  north,  it  so  rapidly 
nt,  addressed  in  1214  by 
ent  III.,  "  1'or  forty  years 
id  robbers,  so  that  moro 
any  other  place  in  Ire- 


land, occasioned  by  the  waste  and  desert  solitude  thereof."  The  seven 
churches,  the  ruins  of  which  are  still  visible,  seem  to  have  been  erected 
at  different  periods,  and  are  unquestionably  of  great  antiquity.  Their 
names  are,  1.  the  Abbey;  2.  the  Cathedral;  3.  St.  Kevin's  Kitchen, 
4.  Teampall  na  Skellig;  5.  Our  Lady's  Church;  fi.  Trinity  Church ; 
and,  7.  Ivy  Church.  These  interesting  ruins  are  situated  in  the  barony 
of  liallynaeor,  about  twenty-two  miles  south  of  Dublin,  and  eleven 
torth-wt'Bt  of  Wicklow. 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  183 

escaped  to  the  lord-deputy,  who  returned  to  Dublin 
covered  with  shame  and  confusion. 

This  severe  repulse  bitterly  enraged  the  deputy, 
and  probably  rendered  his  hatred  of  the  Irish  insur- 
gents more  inveterate.  To  retrieve  his  fame,  he  re- 
solved to  bring  the  Desmond  war  to  a  speedy  con- 
clusion, and  made  instant  preparations  for  a  march 
to  Minister.  His  proceedings  were  accelerated  by 
alarming  intelligence.  He  learned  that  a  body  ot' 
Spaniards,  seven  hundred  strong,  had  landed  in 
Minister  ;  that  they  brought  with  them  arms  for  five 
thousand  men,  and  a  considerable  sum  of  money, 
which  they  were  directed  to  place  at  the  disposal 
of  the  Ear3  of  Desmond,  and  Saunders,  a  Jesuit  who 
had  taken  a  part  in  the  former  expedition.  The 
forces  of  the  Spaniards  were  miserably  inadequate ; 
and,  as  they  had  been  sent  without  previous  concert, 
the  Irish  were  unprepared  for  their  reception. 
Scarcely  had  the  foreigners  landed  when  they  were 
attacked  by  the  Earl  of  Ormond.  He,  indeed,  ob- 
tained only  a  slight  advantage ;  but  he  was  still  able 
DO  hold  them  in  check  until  the  coming  up  of  the 
royal  forces  from  Dublin.  At  this  critical  moment 
Admiral  Winter  arrived  on  the  coast;  and  the 
Spaniards  were  blockaded  in  the  intrenchment, 
which  they  had  named  Golden  Fort,  by  sea  and 
land.  It  is  uncertain  whether  the  garrison  finally 
surrendered  on  terms  or  at  discretion.  The  atrocity 
that  followed  is  in  either  case  inexcusable.  Grey 
ordered  the  whole  to  be  butchered;  and  his  orders 
were  executed  in  the  spirit  that  they  were  given. 
There  are  two  names  mixed  up  with  this  detestable 
transaction  among  the  proudest  in  the  annals  of 
English  literature,  and  the  highest  in  the  records  of 
fame, — Sir  Walter  Raleigh  and  Edmund  Spenser. 
It  is  with  feelings  of  pain  for  the  degradation  of 
human  nature  that  we  see  Raleigh  presiding  at  the 
ruthless  massacre,  and  Spenser,  who  was  Grey's 


184  HISTORY    OF   IRELAND. 

secretary,  sharing  in  the  counsels  by  which  it  was 
sanctioned,  and  subsequently  writing  in  its  vindi- 
cation. 

The  news  of  this  revolting  butchery  excited  the 
indignation  of  all  Europe,  and  raised  an  outcry 
against  the  English  government,  which  Elizabeth 
was  forced  to  allay  by  declaring  her  public  displea- 
sure against  the  perpetrators ;  but  as  they  were  all 
continued  in  office,  her  anger  was  manifestly  a  mere 
hollow  pretence.  The  war  with  Desmond — if,  in- 
deed, the  name  of  war  could  be  given  to  a  systematic 
career  of  devastation  and  cruelty  that  met  no  resist- 
ance— was  continued;  and  efforts  were  made  to  en- 
large the  expected  forfeitures,  by  involving  all  the 
Catholic  proprietors  in  the  guilt  of  pretended  rebel- 
lion. Raleigh  distinguished  himself  in  the  south  by 
insulting  those  who  dared  not  resist,  and  seizing  on 
the  persons  of  men  whose  wealth  formed  their  only 
crime.  Among  other  heroic  exploits,  we  find  him 
taking  the  Lord  Roche  by  surprise,  and  dragging  him 
to  Cork,  whence,  after  a  painful  imprisonment,  he 
was  dismissed,  after  having  satisfactorily  established 
his  innocence.  Grey's  proceedings  in  Leinster  were 
still  more  enormous.  He  seized  Nugent,  a  baron 
of  the  exchequer,  the  Earl  of  Kildare,  Lord  Delvin, 
and  others,  on  a  charge  of  conspiracy,  and  hastened 
to  bring  them  to  trial  Nugent  was  the  only  victim. 
To  be  accused  and  convicted  were  long  synonymous 
terms  in  Iiish  courts  of  law;  and  Nugent  was  found 
guilty,  on  evidence  which  no  historian  has  yet  ven- 
tured to  pronounce  worthy  of  credit.  His  execution 
followed  with  indecent  precipitation ;  and  the  retain- 
ers of  government  themselves  were  ashamed  of  the 
outrageous  conduct  of  the  deputy.  Kildare,  his  son 
Lord  Ofally,  and  his  son-in-law  Lord  Delvin  were 
sent  for  trial  to  England.  The  charges  brought 
against  them  were  disproved  to  the  satisfaction  of 
even  the  jealous  Elizabeth.  She  pronounced  them 
acouitted  not  only  of  the  guilt,  but  of  the  very  BUS- 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  185 

picion  of  disloyalty.  The  outcry  against  Grey's 
military  cruelties  and  judicial  murders  became  now 
too  loud  to  be  disregarded.  The  acquittal  of  Kildare, 
the  principal,  as  was  asserted,  in  the  pretended  con- 
spiracy, proved  the  innocence  of  Nugent  and  the 
others  who  had  been  executed  as  accessaries.  The 
people  of  England,  always  just  when  their  passions 
and  prejudices  are  not  artificially  roused,  joined  in 
the  clamour ;  and  the  Continental  nations  repeated 
the  accounts  of  the  barbarities  and  butcheries  per- 
petrated in  Ireland.  The  queen  at  length  yielded  to 
these  representations.  She  was  assured,  with  truth, 
that,  in  consequence  of  Grey's  tyranny,  little  re- 
mained for  her  to  rule  over  in  Munster  but  ashes  and 
carcasses.  Moved  by  pity  or  policy,  she  recalled 
her  deputy,  appointed  Loftus,  Archbishop  of  Dublin, 
and  Sir  Henry  Wallop,  the  treasurer,  lords-jus- 
tices ;  and  offered  pardon  to  all  insurgents  who 
would  lay  down  their  arms. 

But  before  this,  the  Desmond  war  was  finished. 
The  miscreant  Sir  John  Desmond  fell  in  battle. 
Saunders  perished  by  famine  in  i  miserable  hovel, 
where  his  body  was  found  mangled  by  wild  beasts  ; 
and  the  hapless  old  earl  had  become 

"A  hunted  wanderer  on  the  wild." 

A.  D.  1583. — Ormond,  with  disgraceful  zeal,  con- 
tinued to  pursue  his  old  rival,  and  chased  him  from 
all  his  miserable  retreats.  At  length  he  was  reduced 
to  such  straits  that  there  was  reason  to  dread  that 
he  and  his  small  train  would  perish  by  famine.  Two 
horsemen  and  a  few  kernes  seized  on  some  cattle  to 
supply  the  necessities  of  their  old  master.  They 
were  unfortunately  watched  by  the  owner,  and 
r,hased  by  a  party  of  English  soldiers.  It  was  even- 
ing when  the  pursuers  came  to  the  opening  of  a 
wooded  valley,  where  they  resolved  to  halt.  Sud- 
denly they  saw  a  light  in  a  small  hut.  at  a  distance, 
and,  supposing  thatlhey  had  discovered  a  party  of 


186  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

rebels,  they  cautiously  advanced  under  the  guidance 
of  Kelly  of  Morierta,  a  man  of  Irish  race.  On  enter- 
ing  the  hovel,  they  found  in  it  only  one  old  man  of  a 
venerable  aspect,  but  exhausted  by  famine  and  fa- 
tigue, stretched  languidly  before  the  expiring  embers 
Kelly  struck  and  wounded  him.  "  Spare  me,"  he 
exclaimed,  "I  am  the  Ivarl  of  Desmond!"  Kelly 
repeated  his  blow,  and  the  aged  nobleman  was  slain. 
His  head  was  sent  to  Ormond,  by  whom  it  was  for 
warded  to  the  queen,  a  fit  present  for  such  a  sove- 
reign, and  by  her  direction  it  was  impaled  on  London 
Bridge. 

Thus  fell  the  head  of  the  eldest  branch  of  the  Ge- 
raldines;  a  family  which,  during  four  centuries,  had 
held  the  chief  power  in  Minister,  and  had  frequently 
proved  too  strong  to  be  governed.  The  whole 
course  of  the  detestable  policy  by  which  the  catas- 
trophe was  effected  was  perfectly  consistent.  He 
was  driven  against  his  will  into  rebellion  by  the 
subtle  malignity  of  Ormond,  and  others  envious  of 
his  power,  and  desirous  of  his  estates.  The  war 
against  him  was  marked  by  every  cruelty  and  ou'- 
rage  which  could  disgrace  human  nature;  and  the 
tranquillity  thus  effected  was  continuity  of  desolation 
and  the  stillness  of  the  grave  : 

"  They  made  a  solitude,  ami  callad  it  peace." 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Tkt  Mmmittratinn.  of  Sir  John  Perrot 

A.  D.  1584. — SIR  JOHN  I'I:RKOT,  who  had  given  such 
satisfaction  as  president,  of  Minister,  was  sent  over 
as  chief  governor  to  Ireland.  No  appointment  could 
have  been  more  judicious.  fTis  character  was  not 


HISTORY    Of    IRELAND.  187 

sullied  by  the  craft  of  Sydney,  or  the  cruelty  of  Groy ; 
in  abilities  he  was  superior  to  both;  and,  unlike 
either,  his  integrity  was  unquestionable.  He  was 
the  first  governor,  since  the  days  of  Duke  Richard, 
\vtio  attempted  to  conciliate  the  native  Irish  by  im- 
partial justice ;  and  the  success  which  attended  the 
experiment  proves  how  easily  might  England  have 
conciliated  the  affections  of  that  ardent  race.  The 
first  act  of  his  administration  was  to  publish  a 
general  amnesty,  and  to  issue  a  strict  prohibition 
against  the  outrages  and  spoliations  of  the  soldiers, 
too  often  encouraged  by  their  commanders.  The 
youthful  son  of  the  unfortunate  Desmond,  who  had 
been  given  into  his  hands  by  his  followers,  he  sent 
over  to  England,  in  order  that  he  might  receive  an 
education  suitable  to  his  rank. 

The  Desmond  estates  amounted  to  six  hundred 
thousand  acres  ;  and  it  was  necessary  to  summon  a 
parliament,  in  order  that  this  vast  property  should 
be  vested  in  the  crown.  A  host  of  hungry  expect- 
ants eagerly  waited  the  event,  hoping  that  rich  es- 
tates would  reward  the  crimes  which  had  brought 
about  the  confiscation.  Perrot  soon  proved  that  he 
had  not  learned  Sydney's  art  of  constructing  an  obe- 
dient parliament.  There  was  no  secret  interference 
with  the  elections ;  and  an  independent  House  of 
Commons,  fairly  representing  the  people,  was  iv> 
turned.  In  this  assembly  we  find,  for  the  first  time, 
several  of  the  original  Irish  families  joined  in  de- 
liberation with  the  settlers  of  the  Pale.  Cavan  was 
represented  by  two  of  the  ancient  house  of  O'Reilly 
O'Brien  was  returned  for  Clare;  the  county  of  Down 
sent  Sir  Hugh  Macgennis ;  John  MacBrien  was 
member  for  Antrim ;  and  the  representatives  of 
Longford  were  the  O'Ferghals  or  O'Ferrals.  In  the 
Upper  House  sat  two  bishops,  professed  Roman  Ca- 
tholics, from  the  sees  of  Clogher  and  Raphoe,  over 
which  Elizabeth  had  as  yet  exercised  no  control  • 


188  HISTORY    OF   IRELAND. 

and  Turlough,  the  nominal  head  of  the  O'Nials,  took 
nis  seat  as  Earl  of  Tyrone. 

Never  did  any  government  meet  a  more  hostile 
legislature.  The  suspension  of  Poynings's  Law,  now 
an  ordinary  mark  of  confidence  in  a  new  chief  gov- 
ernor, was  refused ;  thirteen  bills,  transmitted  from 
England,  were  rejected  ;  the  ordinary  subsidies  were 
withheld ;  and  two  acts,  of  trifling  importance,  con- 
cluded the  labours  of  the  session.  The  cause  of  this 
spirit,  so  totally  unparalleled  in  the  annals  of  Irish 
legislation,  was  the  general  horror  which  the  iniqui- 
tous proceedings  against  the  Earl  of  Desmond  had 
occasioned.  The  great  lords  of  English  descent, 
that  had  cheered  the  bloodhounds  to  run  down. 
O'Neill,  were  alarmed  by  the  destruction  of  the 
greatest  of  their  own  party,  and  felt  sympathy  for 
the  fate  of  one  connected  with  most  of  them  by 
marriage  or  by  blood.  The  massacres  and  devasta- 
tions in  Munster  excited  the  indignation  of  many 
who  had  been  previously  attached  to  the  govern- 
ment. They  saw  the  country  placed  at  the  mercy 
of  bankrupt  adventurers  and  a  licentious  soldiery, 
whose  excesses  had  been  encouraged,  rather  than 
controlled.  The  policy  of  exciting  rebellions,  in 
order  to  reward  the  retainers  of  the  Castle  by  con- 
fiscation, had  been  openly  avowed.  And,  finally,  the 
barbarous  system  of  crushing  the  resources,  lest,  if 
cultivated,  they  might  enable  that  country  to  rival 
England,  or  perhaps  attain  independence,  had  been 
zealously  advocated  in  the  English  parliament.  The 
members  of  the  Irish  legislature  have  frequently 
been  deaf  to  the  claims  of  justice  and  patriotism,  but 
never  blind  to  their  own  private  interest.  They  saw 
or  thought  they  saw,  measures  taken  for  their  de- 
struction, and  therefore  met  the  government  with 
the  most  obstinate  resistance. 

Perrot,  aware  that  the  opposition  had  too  good 
grounds  for  suspicion  and  complaint,  showed  neither 


HISTORY    OF   IRELAND.  189 

surprise  nor  resentment  at  the  defeat  of  his  measures 
He  diligently  applied  himself  to  the  improvement  of 
the  country,  and  trusted  that  his  actions  would  give 
the  best  evidence  of  his  claims  to  confidence.  His 
first  care  was  to  assure  all  parties  of  protection  in 
person  and  property ;  to  administer  justice  without 
regard  to  sect  or  party;  and  to  reform  the  gros? 
abuses  that  had  been  encouraged  by  his  predeces- 
sors. His  scheme  was  crowned  with  success.  The 
native  Irish,  conciliated  by  an  appearance  of  equal 
government,  vied  with  each  other  in  expressions  of 
loyalty  and  allegiance.  The  lords  of  the  Pale  laid 
aside  their  sullenness,  and  crowded  to  the  court  of 
the  deputy ;  the  feuds  between  the  barons  were  sus 
pended  ;  and  an  opportunity  was  apparently  offered 
of  removing  at  once,  and  for  ever,  the  intolerable 
load  of  evil  which  had  been  accumulating  for  cen- 
turies. 

But  Perrot  found  his  wise  schemes  counteracted 
in  the  very  quarters  where  he  naturally  looked  for 
support.  Elizabeth  was  just  in  as  bad  a  humour 
as  her  Irish  parliament,  and  refused  to  furnish  her 
deputy  with  men  or  money.  She  even  yielded  to 
the  secret  whispers  of  the  malevolent,  and  received 
the  news  of  his  popularity  with  suspicion.  The 
creatures  of  the  late  government  still  held  their 
offices  in  the  castle.  Nurtured  in  corrupt  practices, 
they  naturally  detested  an  equitable  administration, 
and  laboured,  not  wholly  without  success,  to  coun- 
teract the  wise  and  liberal  measures  of  the  lord- 
deputy.  Nor  are  we  to  be  surprised  at  this  state 
of  affairs.  Within  our  own  memory,  Ireland  has 
exhibited  the  strange  scene  of  a  conciliating  gov- 
ernment checked,  controlled,  and  insulted  by  its 
own  underlings,  who  formed  a  cabal  which  the 
nominal  executive  wanted  either  the  spirit  or  the 
power  to  break  up.  Unfortunately,  Perrot  added 
the  church  to  the  number  of  his  enemies,  by  pro- 
posing a  scheme  which  evinced  more  wisdom  and 


190  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

generosity  than  prudence.  Conceivingthat  one  cathe- 
dral was  quite  sufficient  for  Dublin,  he  proposed  that 
the  other  should  be  converted  into  a  university,  and 
its  revenues  employed  for  the  diffusion  of  education. 
Loftus,  the  archbishop,  immediately  became,  not 
only  Perrot's  political  opponent,  but  his  bitter  and 
violent  enemy.  The  most  wicked  perversions  of  his 
svords  and  actions  were  transmitted  to  England. 
Even  the  most  audacious  forgeries  were  framed — 
3ne,  a  pretended  complaint  from  Turlough  O'Neill, 
which  the  old  chieftain  denounced  by  a  solemn  em- 
bassy to  Elizabeth.  The  second  and  more  mis- 
chievous, was  a  pretended  protection  granted  to  a 
Romish  priest,  in  which  the  deputy  was  made  to 
issume  the  style  of  a  sovereign.  It  was  easy  to 
;xpose  these  abominable  frauds;  but  it  was  impos- 
«ible  to  remove  the  jealous  suspicions  with  which 
hey  filled  the  mind  of  Elizabeth.  Thenceforward 
she  treated  Perrot  with  mortifying  coldness,  and 
leglected  the  advice  of  the  only  honest  servant  she 
ever  employed  in  Ireland.  She  employed  Fenton, 
the  under-secretary  of  state,  as  a  spy  upon  his  ac- 
tions ;  and  found  this  functionary  anxious  to  fulfil 
his  duties  in  such  an  honourable  situation. 

The  popularity  of  Perrot  was  fully  proved  in  the 
second  session  of  the  Irish  parliament.  The  bills 
for  the  regulation  of  public  affairs,  and  the  raising 
of  necessary  supplies  were  passed  almost  unani- 
mously ;  but  the  forfeiture  of  the  Desmond  property 
was  still  resisted.  At  length,  after  a  fierce  struggle, 
acts  were  passed  for  the  attainder  of  the  deceased 
vord,  and  one  hundred  and  forty  of  his  associates, 
all  of  whose  immense  estates  were  vested  in  the 
crown. 

The  great  object  which  Elizabeth's  ministers  had 
so  long  pursued,  was  now  attained.  An  opportunity 
was  offered  for  planting,  as  it  w;-s  called,  an  English 
colony  in  Ireland.  The  needy  followers  of  court, 
the  younger  brothers  of  noble  families,  and  Driven 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  191 

hirers  of  more  questionable  description,  were  in. 
vited  to  become  undertakers,  as  those  who  received 
grants  were  called.  The  lands  were  granted  at  a 
nominal  rent,  on  the  condition  that  the  undertakers 
should  let  them  to  none  but  English  tenants;  should 
support  garrisons  on  the  frontiers  of  the  province  ; 
and  should  not  permit  any  of  the  native  Irish  to 
settle  on  their  estates.  A  portion  of  the  property 
was  also  granted  to  some  of  the  Geraldines ;  and  a 
very  considerable  share  of  it  was  seized  by  the  re- 
tainers of  the  local  government,  who  well  knew 
the  means  of  resisting  the  royal  rights  without  in- 
curring the  penalties  of  rebellion.  The  scheme 
of  the  plantation  totally  failed.  The  undertakers 
scandalously  violated  their  contracts.  They,  as 
others  of  the  same  class  before  and  since  have 
done,  preferred  the  Irish  serf  to  the  independent 
freeholder ;  and  the  opportunity  of  introducing 
an  orderly  middle  class  into  Ireland,  which  Eliza- 
beth had  acquired  at  the  expense  of  so  much  blood, 
was  lost  by  the  venality  of  her  unprincipled  ser- 
vants. The  confiscation  in  Minister  proved  as  ruin- 
ous to  the  power  and  interest  of  the  crown  as  it 
was  iniquitous  in  itself.  The  new  proprietors,  sud- 
denly raised  to  wealth  and  station  from  comparative 
insignificance,  disregarded  the  royal  authority  ;  and, 
being  supported  by  the  local  government,  were  en- 
abled to  indulge  in  excesses  and  outrages  with  im- 
punity. 

The  jealousy  of  Elizabeth  induced  her  to  limit 
the  power  of  Perrot,  by  giving  the  privy  council  a 
control  over  his  proceedings.  The  loss  of  his  in 
fluence  was  soon  felt.  Bingham,  the  president  of 
Connaught,  by  exct-ssive  tyranny,  drove  the  De 
Burghos  to  revolt;  and,  when  censured  for  his 
cruelty  by  the  deputy,  pleaded  the  old  excuse  of 
state  necessity.  The  disturbance  was  quelled,  not 
without  some  barbarous  murders,  which  Perrot  was 
unable  to  prevert ;  and  the  queen's  officers,  no 


192  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

longer  dreading  the  deputy,  fleeced  and  persecuted 
'.'he  unfortunate  Irish  with  fresh  severity.  The 
agents  of  Rome  and  Spain  took  advantage  of  this 
unwise  policy  to  spread  among  the  nation  a  deter- 
mined hostility  to  the  English,  and  a  desire  to  be 
placed  under  the  protection  of  his  Catholic  majesty. 
But  during  the  administration  of  Perrot,  the  great 
bulk  of  the  native  Irish  clergy  remained  loyal,  and 
successfully  counteracted  the  machinations  of  the 
foreigners. 

The  news  of  these  secret  proceedings  greatly 
alarmed  Elizabeth.  She  was  even  induced  to  make 
an  effort  to  conciliate  her  Irish  subjects  :  and,  with 
her  usual  promptitude,  at  once  acted  on  her  resolu- 
tion. By  the  patent  of  Henry  VIII.  the  succession 
to  the  earldom  of  Tyrone,  and  chieftainry  of  Hy- 
Niall,  had  been  granted  to  Matthew  Lord  Dungan- 
non,  and  his  heirs.  Hugh,  the  eldest  son  of  the 
baron,  had  been  educated  in  England,  and  had  served 
with  great  eclat  in  the  royal  army.  His  valour,  ac- 
tivity, and  skill  had  been  commemorated  by  several 
generals,  and  his  fidelity  proved  in  the  long  war 
against  Desmond.  He  petitioned  for  permission  to 
take  his  seat  in  the  Lords  as  Earl  of  Tyrone,  and 
also  the  restoration  of  his  estates.  The  first  re- 
quest was  readily  granted  by  Perrot ;  for  the  second, 
he  was  referred  to  the  queen  in  person.  Hugh 
O'Neill  appeared  at  the  court  of  England,  not  like 
his  uncle  John,  as  an  Irish  chief,  but  as  an  accom- 
plished courtier,  versed  in  all  the  politeness  of  the 
age.  His  easy  manners,  his  superior  information, 
and  his  winning  address,  delighted  a  queen  never 
blind  to  such  accomplishments.  She  treated  him 
with  the  greatest  partiality,  and  finally  granted  him 
the  ancient  possessions  of  his  family. 

Nothing  could  exceed  the  rage  and  disappoint- 
ment of  the  faction  that  directed  the  Irish  govern- 
ment when  they  received  the  intelligence  of  this 
event.  Little  did  they  dream,  when  opposing  the 


HISTORY   OF   IRELAND.  193 

plantation  of  Ulster,  that,  instead  of  securing  es- 
tates for  themselves,  they  were  only  preserving  for 
O'Neill  the  inheritance  of  his  ancestors.     They  felt 
like  ravenous  beasts  whose  prey  is  rent  from  their 
jaws,  and  were  unable  to  control  some  indiscreet 
displays   of   their  vexation.     Their   malice   soon 
found  vent  in  calumny ;  and  Elizabeth,  ever  prone 
to  jealousy,  lent  too  ready  an  ear  to  their  insinua- 
tions.    She  had  ordered  O'Neill  to  raise  six  com- 
panies for  the  defence  of  Ulster.     It  was  reported, 
that  by  continually  changing  his  soldiers,  he  was 
training   the  entire  province   to   arms.     She   had 
directed  him  to  build  a  house  in  the  English  fashion, 
suited  to  his  rank;  it  was  asserted  that  the  lead 
which  he  purchased  for  the   battlements  was  de- 
signed to  form  bullets.     She  requested  him  to  use 
his  influence  over  the  neighbouring  chieftains  foi 
the  maintenance  of  tranquillity.     His  exertions  for 
the  purpose  were  stigmatized  as  a  direct  assump- 
tion of  royal  authority.     O'Neill  disregarded  these 
plots  while  Perrot  continued  to  hold  the  reins  of 
power;  but  his  administration  was  fast  drawing  to 
a  close.    Almost  his  last  act  of  government  was 
the  only  one  which  cast  a  shade  upon  his  character. 
On  the  reported  defection  of  the  chieftain  of  Tyr- 
connel,  he  procured  a  ship  disguised  as  a  Spanish 
vessel  laden  with  wine.     By  his  orders,  the  captain 
proceeded  to  the  coast  of  Tyrconnel,  invited  the 
chieftain's  son  to  come  on  board  to  taste  his  wines; 
and,  as  soon  as  he  stepped  on  the  deck,  made  him 
a  prisoner,  and  conveyed  him  to  Dublin,  where  he 
was  detained  as  a  hostage  for  his  father's  fidelity 
Shortly  after  Perrot  was  permitted  to  resign,  he 
assured  the  queen  that  he  could  govern  her  Irish 
subjects  without  difficulty,  but  that  no  power  could 
control  her  English  servants.     Before  his  departure, 
he  assembled  most  of  the  Irish  lords,  explained  to 
them  the  dangers  that  menaced  the  country  from  a 
Spanish  invasion,  and  exhorted  them  to  preserve 
I.— P 


194  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

their  allegiance.  By  this  affectionate  remonstrance, 
a  great  number  were  melted  almost  to  tears,  and  all 
faithfully  promised  to  observe  his  advice.  He  re- 
signed the  sword  of  state  to  Sir  William  Fitz- Wil- 
liam, declaring  that  he  left  the  kingdom  in  peace, 
and  that  even  as  a  private  man,  he  would  engage  to 
quell  any  disturbance  in  twenty  days,  without  vio- 
lence or  contest.  The  day  on  which  this  meritori- 
ous governor  embarked,  displayed  a  scene  which, 
unfortunately,  is  not  without  a  parallel  in  the  annals 
of  Ireland.  It  was  a  day  of  national  mourning,  in 
which  the  native  Irish  and  the  English  settlers 
joined,  with  the  exception  of  the  official  plunderers, 
whose  rapacity  he  had  restrained.  Vast  crowds 
accompanied  him  to  the  water-side,  whose  shouts 
in  his  praise  were  mingled  with  lamentations  for  his 
loss;  and  not  the  least  interesting  figure  of  the 
group  was  old  Turlough  of  Tirowen,  whose  grief 
for  the  departure  of  his  protector  was  inconsolable 


CHAPTER  Xll. 

The  War  against  Hugh  CTJfeiU. 

THE  judicious  administration  of  Sir  John  Perrot 
had  given  to  Ireland  unusual  peace  and  prosperity. 
The  conduct  of  his  successor  produced  a  new  train 
of  calamities  and  crimes,  whose  consequences  are 
scarcely  yet  effaced.  Sir  William  Fitz- William  had 
but  one  object  in  view,  his  own  private  emolument; 
and  in  pursuit  of  this  lie  disregarded  the  very  ap- 
pearances of  justice  and  decency.  After  the  defeat 
of  that  Armada  which  Philip  of  Spain  had  proudly 
named  Invincible,  several  of  the  ships  were  wrecked 
on  the  noithern  and  north-western  coasts  of  Ireland. 


HISTORY   OF   IRELAND.  195 

Reports  were  circulated  that  these  vessels  contained 
enormous  wealth,  and  that  the  Irish  chieftains  were 
secreting  the  treasures  which  ought  to  enrich  the 
state.  Blinded  by  avarice,  Fitz-William,  without 
examining  the  accuracy  of  the  intelligence,  seized 
Sir  Owen  Mac-Toole  and  Sir  John  O'Dogherty,  on 
suspicion  of  having  concealed  these  supposed 
stores,  and  consigned  them  to  a  painful  imprison- 
ment, which  lasted  for  several  years.  This  unjust 
severity  towards  two  gentlemen  conspicuous  for 
their  zealous  loyalty,  revived  the  jealous  hatred  of 
the  English  government,  which  Perrot  had  so  hap- 
pily suppressed.  O'Neill,  who  had  long  been  aware 
of  the  antipathy  of  the  local  governments,  resolved 
to  anticipate  the  danger ;  and,  without  waiting  for 
the  deputy's  license,  presented  himself  at  the  court 
of  Elizabeth.  Here  he  was  accused  by  one  of  his 
relatives,  a  natural  son  of  John  O'Neill,  of  having 
entered  into  a  secret  alliance  with  the  Spaniards, 
and  endeavoured  to  form  a  general  confederacy 
against  tl>e  English.  These  calumnies  were  easily 
refuted :  and  Elizabeth,  persuaded  of  O'Neill's  in- 
tegrity, dismissed  him  with  marks  of  confidence 
and  favour.  About  the  same  time,  several  hostages 
of  the  northern  lords,  who  were  detained  as  prison- 
ers in  Dublin,  nu.de  their  escape,  as  was  suspected, 
by  the  secret  connivance  of  the  deputy.  They 
were  hotly  pursued.  Hugh  O'Donnel,  whose  sei- 
zure by  Perrot  has  been  already  mentioned,  and  one 
of  the  O'Neills,  sought  refuge  among  the  septs  in 
the  vicinity  of  the  capital.  The  season  was  un- 
commonly rigorous,  the  power  of  the  government 
justly  dreaded,  and  the  friends  on  whom  the  young 
noblemen  relied,  too  weak  or  too  cowardly  to  afford 
them  protection.  AfU-r  some  days,  their  pursuers 
found  them  in  a  miserable  hovel,  where  young 
O'Neill  was  expiring  of  famine,  and  O'Donnel  de- 
prived of  the  use  of  his  limbs  by  cold  and  fatigue. 
The  latter  was  brought,  to  Dublin,  where  his  health 


196  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

was  finally  restored ;  but  his  hatred  of  the  govern- 
ment which  had  subjected  him  to  such  misery  be- 
came, for  the  future,  a  fixed  principle  of  action. 

A  still  more  atrocious  outrage  increased  the  hos- 
tility of  the  Irish.  Fitz-William,  under  pretence  of 
settling  some  disputed  claims  to  property,  marched 
into  Monaghan,  the  territory  of  a  chief  named  Mac- 
Mahon,  and  arrested  that  lord  on  a  charge  of  trea- 
son. The  accusation  was,  that  he  had  two  years 
before,  employed  a  military  force  to  collect  his 
rents — an  offence  pronounced  treasonable  within 
the  limits  of  the  English  jurisdiction,  but  which  was 
no  unusual  practice  in  Monaghan  and  other  districts 
beyond  the  Pale.  For  this  pretended  crime  Mac- 
Mahon  was  tried  by  a  jury  of  common  soldiers, 
found  guilty,  and,  to  his  utter  astonishment,  ordered 
to  be  immediately  executed.  This  judicial  murder 
was  followed  by  the  immediate  forfeiture  of  the 
chieftain's  lands,  which  were  shared  between  the 
unprincipled  Fitz-William  and  Sir  Henry  Bagnal, 
his  worthy  associate. 

O'Neill  viewed  with  just  alarm  this  infamous 
transaction,  and  began  secretly  to  prepare  for  a 
struggle  which  he  knew  could  not  much  longer  be 
averted.  His  marriage  with  Bagnal's  sister  had 
procured  him  the  bitter  enmity  of  that  powerful 
officer;  and  this  unnatural  hatred  was  manifested 
by  a  pertinacious  system  of  misrepresentation  at 
the  English  court,  which  soon  revived  the  natural 
jealousy  of  Elizabeth.  The  prudence  and  political 
wisdom  of  O'Neill  enabled  him  to  baffle  the  artifices 
of  his  insidious  enemies  ;  and  he  soon  gave  a  proof 
of  his  loyalty  too  unequivocal  to  be  misrepresented 
or  denied.  MacGuire,  the  chieftain  of  Fermanagh, 
had  been  guilty  of  some  outrages  which  the  deputy 
determined  to  chastise ;  and  Bairnal  was  ordered  to 
lead  an  army  against  him.  O'Neill  immediately 
brought  his  forces  to  aid  his  mortal  enemy  against 
his  kinsman.  He  rescued  Bagnal  from  the  dangers 


HISTORY    OF   IRELAND.  197 

uito  which  he  had  been  brought  by  his  presumption 
and  was  severely  wounded  in  a  successful  battle 
which  he  fought  against  his  countrymen.  His  ene- 
mies were  for  a  time  disconcerted  by  this  bold 
proof  of  loyalty,  and  their  crafty  insinuations  were 
for  a  season  silenced  or  disregarded. 

About  this  time  the  University  of  Dublin  was 
founded.  The  suppressed  monastery  of  All- 
hallows,  which  stood  at  a  short  distance  from  the 
city  gate,  was  assigned  by  Elizabeth  for  the  site  of 
the  new  college ;  and  by  the  strenuous  exertions  of 
those  to  whom  the  care  of  the  new  institution  was 
intrusted,  it  soon  obtained  considerable  eminence 
and  prosperity. 

Fitz- William  was  succeeded  in  the  government 
of  Ireland  by  Sir  John  Russell,  son  to  the  Duke  of 
Bedford.  O'Neill  presented  himself  to  the  new 
deputy,  but  found  himself  unable  to  efface  the  un- 
favourable impressions  which  the  slanders  of  Bag- 
nal  and  his  other  enemies  had  produced.  The  ex- 
pediency of  arresting  the  chief  was  debated  at  the 
council  board,  and  negatived  by  a  small  majority. 
O'Neill  soon  learned  his  danger,  and  fled  to  his  own 
country  with  the  utmost  precipitation. 

Hugh  O'Donnel,  soon  after  his  escape  from  Dub- 
lin, married  the  daughter  of  O'Neill,  and  about  the 
same  time  succeeded  his  father  as  tanist  at  Tyrcon 
nel.  Irritated  by  his  unmerited  sufferings,  he  took 
up  arms  against  his  sovereign,  and  prevailed  on 
several  other  septs,  particularly  the  degenerate  De 
Burghos,  to  follow  his  example.  The  situation  of 
O'Neill  was  now  in  the  highest  degree  embarrass- 
ing; his  countrymen  unanimously  invited  him  to 
become  their  leader  in  war:  the  royal  officers  were 
resolved  to  discredit  his  sincere  anxiety  for  peace ; 
the  perfidy  and  treachery  of  the  Irish  government 
was  so  notorious  that  it  would  have  been  madness 
to  place  any  confidence  in  it ;  and  his  letters  to 
England  were  interceoted  b"1'  the  malignant  vigilance 


198  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

of  Bagnal.  Driven  forward  by  such  a  combination 
of  circumstances,  O'Neill,  after  a  long  and  anxious 
delay,  took  the  decisive  step  of  attacking  the  Eng- 
lish garrison  stationed  at  a  fort  called  lilackwater. 

On  the  first  news  of  these  hostilities,  a  force  ol 
two  thousand  veterans  was  sent  into  Ireland;  and 
soon  after  Sir  John  Norri.s,  a  general  of  approved 
skill  and  valour,  was  appointed  to  take  the  com- 
mand of  the  army.  O'Neill,  dreading  the  chances 
of  civil  war,  wrote  to  the  general,  detailing  his 
grievances,  and  the  arts  by  which  he  was  driven  to 
revolt.  Bagnal,  as  before,  intercepted  some  of  the 
letters;  but  others  reached  their  destination,  and 
led  to  a  general  conference.  The  Irish  chiefs  de- 
tailed their  grievances  in  simple  but  forcible  terms. 
Morris,  who  was  an  honest  as  well  as  an  able  man, 
was  convinced  of  the  injustice  which  had  driven 
them  to  arms,  and  zealously  laboured  to  effect  a 
negotiation.  The  arrangement  of  a  treaty  was 
protracted  to  a  very  unusual  length,  and  was  not 
(infrequently  interrupted  by  renewed  hostilities.  In 
fact,  with  the  single  exception  of  Norris,  none  of 
the  parties  sincerely  laboured  for  peace.  The  Irish 
lords  were  now  conscious  of  their  strength.  The 
successes  they  had  already  obtained  were  sufficiently 
r  decisive  to  inspire  confidence,  and  they  had  received 
many  promises  of  assistance  from  Spain.  The 
(•fiioers  of  the  Irish  government  were  eager  to  en- 
nrh  themselves  by  now  confiscations,  and  threw 
every  obstacle  in  the  way  of  an  equitable  adjust- 
ment. The  Earl  of  Tyrone's  judicious  question,  in 
fact,  showed  that  a  reconcilement  was  scarcely 
possible.  "Though,"  said  O'Neill,  "I  might  safely 
.nake  peace  with  men  of  honour,  like  Norris  and 
Russell,  what  security  have  I  for  the  character  and 
conduct  of  their  successors'?" 

The  little  progress  made  by  Norris  in  subduing 
the  Irish,  created  equal  disappointment  and  displea- 
sure in  England.  The  statesmen  of  Elizabeth's 


HISTORY    OF   IRELAND.  199 

court  made  no  allowances  for  the  difficulties  of  a 
country  where  a  defensible  military  position  may  be 
found  at  every  mile ;  where  morasses  and  forests, 
and  rocxs  and  mountains,  baffled  the  valour  and  dis- 
cipline of  the  invaders.  The  Earl  of  Essex,  Eliza- 
beth's prime  favourite,  was  also  personally  opposed 
to  Norris.  By  his  influence,  both  the  general  and 
the  deputy  were  deprived  of  their  power,  and  his 
partisan,  Lord  Burgh,  invested  both  with  the  civil 
and  military  authority.  Norris  retired  to  his  presi- 
dency, where  he  died  of  a  broken  heart,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  unmerited  stain  cast  upon  his 
reputation. 

The  career  of  Lord  Burgh  was  brief  and  disas- 
trous. He  hoped  to  acquire  fame  and  fortune  by  a 
vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war,  and  by  his  activity 
to  prove  the  culpable  negligence  of  which  Norris 
was  accused.  He  collected  his  forces  with  extreme 
diligence ;  he  summoned  the  lords  of  the  Pale  to 
attend  his  standard ;  and  advanced  towards  Ulster 
with  a  power  apparently  sufficient  to  bear  down  all 
opposition.  O'Neill,  on  his  part,  displayed  equal 
industry,  and  greater  skill.  He  sent  Tyrrel,  his 
lieutenant,  to  rouse  the  septs  in  Connaught,  while 
he  collected  all  his  partisans  in  Ulster.  Tyrrel  ob- 
tained some  signal  advantages.  He  defeated  and 
captured  the  son  of  Lord  Trimblestown,  while 
leading  his  father's  vassals  to  the  assistance  of  the 
deputy;  and  he  forced  Sir  Conyers  Clifford,  who 
headed  another  reinforcement  to  make  a  calamitous 
retreat. 

Lord  Burgh,  undaunted  by  these  reverses,  boldly 
attacked  Tyrone  in  his  lines  near  Armagh,  and,  after 
a  fierce  fight,  drove  the  Irish  from  their  intrench- 
ments.  O'Neill  retired  to  another  and  better  position, 
which  the  English  inconsiderately  assailed.  They 
were  defeated  ;  and  Lord  Burgh,  with  the  flower  of 
his  army,  fell  in  the  conflict.  The  command  devolved 
on  Kildare,  who  was  disinclined  to  make  any  new 


200  HISTORY   OF    IRELAND. 

effort.  Indeed,  the  earl  did  not  long  retain  his  post : 
he  died  of  grief  for  the  loss  of  his  two  foster- 
brothers,  who  were  slain  in  rescuing  him  from  the 
enemy. 

The  civil  administration  was  now  committed  to 
Archbishop  Loftus,  and  Gardiner  the  lord  chan- 
cellor, while  Orrnond  was  intrusted  with  the  com- 
mand of  the  army.  To  this  lord  O'Neill  made 
overtures  for  an  accommodation,  and  a  new  treaty 
was  commenced.  The  object  of  Tyrone  in  this 
negotiation,  was  manifestly  only  to  gain  time,  for 
the  double  purpose  of  recruiting  his  own  strength, 
and  wearing  out  the  patience  of  his  opponents. 
When  his  preparations  were  complete,  he  threw 
off  the  mask,  summoned  to  his  aid  the  sept  of 
the  O'Donnels,  and  that  clan  of  the  De  Burghos 
which  bore  the  name  of  Mac  William,  boldly  declared 
his  independence,  and  laid  close  siege  to  the  fort  of 
Blackwater.  Bagnal  was  ordered  to  relieve  the 
place ;  and  the  armies  of  two  generals,  nearly  con- 
nected by  marriage,  and  yet  animated  with  more 
than  mortal  enmity,  met  near  Armagh.  The  forces 
on  both  sides  were  nearly  equal.  The  English  pos- 
sessed superior  advantages  in  arms  and  discipline ; 
the  Irish  were  animated  by  a  fiercer  spirit,  and  had 
a  more  skilful  commander.  In  the  heat  of  the  en- 
gagement, an  explosion  of  some  gunpowder  threw 
'the  royalists  into  confusion ;  at  the  same  time  Bag- 
nal, while  raising  his  beaver  was  shot  through  the 
brain.  The  victory  of  the  Irish  was  decisive ;  fifteen 
hundred  of  the  royal  soldiers,  and  many  Ctf  their 
best  officers,  fell.  Thirty-four  standards,  all  the  ar- 
tillery, arms,  and  ammunition  remained  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  conquerors.  The  bravery  of  O'Reilly, 
an  Irish  chieftain  attached  to  the  royal  cause,  alone 
saved  the  army  from  annihilation.  He  covered  the 
retreat  with  a  body  of  his  own  clan,  and  was  ably 
assisted  by  Montague,  the  commander  of  the  English 
cavalry.  The  fort  of  BJackwater  was  immediately 


HISTORY   OF   IRELAND.  201 

surrendered,  and  the  town  of  Armagh  abandoned  by 
the  royal  garrison. 

This  great  victory  was  apparently  decisive.  The 
flame  of  insurrection  spread  rapidly  through  the 
west  and  south.  The  Irish  who  had  been  deprived 
of  their  lands,  with  one  accord  attacked  the  under- 
takers, and  drove  them  from  their  settlements  The 
O'Moores  in  Leinster,  the  remnant  of  the  Geraldines 
in  Munster,  the  Irish  septs  in  Kerry,  were  all  in 
arms.  The  English  everywhere  sought  refuge  in 
the  fortified  towns  on  the  east  coast,  and  dared  not 
move  beyond  their  walls.  O'Neill  made  every  use 
of  his  advantages;  he  reconciled  old  feuds,  allayed 
former  animosities,  and  gave  to  the  Irish  septs  a 
degree  of  union  and  combination  which  they  never 
before  had  possessed.  He  also  sent  ambassadors 
to  the  Spanish  court,  earnestly  entreating  Philip  to 
send  him  effective  assistance. 

Elizabeth  was  now  really  alarmed.  The  base 
sycophants  whose  avarice  and  cruelty  had  driven 
the  Irish  into  insurrection  stood  aghast  at  the  con- 
sequences. Reports  arrived  that  Philip  was  pre- 
paring two  immense  armaments,  one  to  invade  Eng- 
land, and  the  other  to  aid  O'Neill  in  Ireland.  It 
became  manifest  that  without  great  and  speedy 
exertion  the  queen  would  irretrievably  lose  the 
fairest  possession  of  the  crown.  She  acted  on  this 
trying  occasion  with  her  usual  promptitude.  She 
sent  into  the  country  an  army  of  twenty  thousand 
men,  commanded  by  the  Earl  of  Essex,  esteemed 
the  most  gallant  soldier  of  the  age. 

Essex  received  the  title  of  lord-lieutenant,  and 
more  ample  powers  than  the  caution  of  Elizabeth 
had  hitherto  permitted  her  to  confer  on  a  subject. 
It  is  not  easy  to  discover  the  real  motives  that  im- 
pelled the  unfortunate  earl  to  seek  this  fatal  com- 
mand. Probably  he  expected  a  cheap  victory,  and 
hoped  that  military  glory  would  increase  his  ascend- 
ency over  the  mind  of  his  fond  mistress.  His 


203  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND 

friends  and  enemies  alike  were  eager  to  hurry  hw 
departure ;  the  former,  in  delusive  anticipation  of 
triumph ;  the  latter,  more  wisely  calculating  on  the 
diminution  of  his  influence  by  his  absence  from  court, 
and  on  the  probable  effects  of  his  presumptuous  folly 
in  rousing  the  jealous  anger  of  Elizabeth. 

The  news  of  the  arriv;W  of  such  an  immense  ar- 
mament did  not  diminish  the  confidence  of  O'Neill 
and  his  supporters.  They  waited  with  stern  indif- 
ference the  proceedings  of  the  lord-lieutenant,  and 
determined  to  wear  him  down  by  a  tedious  defensive 
war.  There  is  reason  to  believe  that  a  part  of  the 
Irish  privy  council  had  engaged  in  the  service  of  the 
enemies  of  Essex  in  the  English  cabinet ;  at  all 
events,  their  persuasions  precipitated  his  ruin.  In- 
stead of  marching  into  Ulster,  and  bringing  O'Neill 
at  once  to  a  decisive  engagement,  he  marched  south- 
ward to  an  exhausted  country,  where  his  troops 
were  wasted  by  fatigue  and  famine.  The  Irish 
avoided  any  decisive  battle,  but  obtained  several  ad- 
vantages over  detached  parties.  The  cavalry,  in 
their  passage  through  Leix,  suffered  severely  from 
an  attack  of  the  O'Moores  ;  and  such  was  the  quan- 
tity of  feathers  lost  by  the  brilliant  corps,  that  the 
Irish  named  the  place  of  action  the  Pass  of  Plumes. 
The  O'Byrnes  of  Le'mster,  with  inferior  forces,  se- 
verely and  shamefully  defeated  another  division  of 
the  army ;  and  Essex  could  only  show  his  vexation 
by  decimating  the  unfortunate  soldiers,  and  cashier- 
ing the  officers. 

Elizabeth,  who  had  expected  rapid  success  from 
the  well-known  valour  of  her  favourite,  was  irritated 
by  the  news  of  these  reverses.  She  answered  his 
letters,  detailing  plans  of  pacification,  with  severe 
reprimands,  and  could  with  difficulty  be  persuaded 
to  grant  him  a  reinforcement.  The  gallant  earl's 
despatches  evince  equal  benevolence  and  political 
wisdom.  He  earnestly  presses  on  the  cabinet  the 
necessity  of  conciliation  and  concession,  and  solicits 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  203 

their  attention  to  the  interests  of  the  people.  The 
answer  to  all  his  state-papers  was  a  peremptory 
order  to  march  into  the  north. 

While  the  earl  was  advancing  through  Ulster  Sir 
Conyers  Clifford,  who  led  an  army  to  his  assistance, 
full  into  an  ambuscade,  contrived  by  O'Ruarc,  in 
Connaught,  and  was  slain.  His  army  suffered  only 
a  trifling  loss ;  but  the  soldiers  were  so  dispirited 
that  they  retreated  to  their  garrison.  Essex  ad- 
vanced to  the  banks  of  the  Blackwater ;  but  O'Neill 
had,  by  this  time,  learned  the  character  of  his  oppo- 
nent, and  determined  to  open  a  negotiation.  The 
earl  willingly  lent  an  ear  to  the  flattering  and  sub 
missive  messages  of  the  crafty  chief,  and  granted 
him  the  favour  of  a  personal  interview.  The  two 
generals  led  their  armies  to  the  opposite  banks  of 
the  river,  and  then  rode  to  a  neighbouring  ford. 
Scarcely  had  the  feet  of  the  lord-lieutenant's  charger 
touched  the  water,  when  O'Neill  spurred  his  horse 
through  the  stream,  while  the  water  rose  above  his 
saddle,  and  crossed  over  to  pay  his  respects.  This 
union  of  a  delicate  compliment  and  generous  con- 
fidence completely  won  the  noble  soul  of  Essex. 
He  at  once  entered  into  an  animated  conversation 
with  the  Irish  chieftain,  and  rode  with  him  along  the 
banks  of  the  river  in  the  sight  of  the  wondering  ar- 
mies. Their  private  conference  lasted  a  long  time, 
and  speculation  has  been  busy  in  guessing  at  the 
subjects  they  discussed.  It  is  probable  that  O'Neill, 
well  acquainted  with  the  intrigues  of  the  English 
court,  called  the  attention  of  Essex  to  the  machina- 
tions of  his  enemies,  and  promised  to  assist  in  their 
overthrow.  Finally,  the  officers  of  both  armies 
were  summoned,  and,  in  their  presence,  O'Neill, 
having  stated  the  grievances  by  which  he  was  driven 
to  revolt,  proposed  terms  of  accommodation.  A 
truce  for  six  weeks  was  established,  in  order  to 
afford  time  for  the  due  consideration  of  the  several 


204  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

articles ;  and  the  royal  army  returned  to  their  quar- 
ters in  Leinster. 

The  indignation  of  Elizabeth  at  this  strange  ter- 
mination of  a  campaign  from  which  she  had  ex- 
pected so  much  was  violent.  She  wrote  a  severe 
letter  to  the  lord-lieutenant,  reprobating-  his  conduct 
in  no  measured  terms.  Essex  at  first  meditated  the 
insane  project  of  leading  the  flower  of  his  army  into 
England,  and  forcing  his  way  to  the  royal  presence ; 
but,  being  dissuaded  by  his  friends,  he  adopted  a 
course  scarcely  less  pernicious ;  and,  resigning  his 
power  to  two  lords-justices,  departed  to  England 
alone.  The  rest  of  his  tragical  story  is  known  to 
the  readers  of  English  history. — We  must  return  to 
he  affairs  of  Ireland. 

Ormond,  who  had  been  appointed  to  the  command 
of  the  army,  wished  to  maintain  the  peace  with 
O'Neill ;  but  that  chief  was  no  longer  disinclined  to 
war.  He  had  lately  received  assurances  of  assist- 
ance from  Spain.  The  pope  incited  him  to  continue 
steadfast  in  the  support  of  the  Catholic  faith ;  and 
sent  him  a  sacred  plume,  which  the  holy  father 
gravely  asserted  was  composed  of  the  feathers  of  a 
phenix  !  A  war  of  petty  skirmishes,  interrupted  by 
truces  which  neither  party  regarded,  continued  for 
some  time ;  and  in  some  of  these  little  encounters 
Sir  Warham  Saint  Leger  and  Sir  T.  Norris,  the  ablest 
of  the  English  officers,  were  slain. 

A.  D.  1590. — Blount  Lord  Montjoy  was  appointed 
by  the  queen  to  the  hazardous  post  of  lord-lieutenant 
of  Ireland.  His  military  skill  and  political  know- 
ledge were  adorned  by  the  rarer  graces  of  literature ; 
und  O'Neill,  who  regarded  these  accomplishments 
as  a  mark  of  effeminacy,  is  said  to  have  expressed 
his  pleasure  at  the  appointment  of  a  general  "  who 
would  lose  the  season  of  action  while  his  breakfast 
was  preparing."  The  chief  soon  learned  by  expe- 
rience that  a  taste  for  refinement  is  by  no  means 
inconsistent  with  the  most  vigorous  exertion.  Mont- 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  205 

joy  was  assisted  by  several  men  of  great  abilities 
in  the  inferior  departments  of  government,  among 
whom  the  Earl  of  Ormond  and  Sir  George  Carew, 
president  of  Munster,  were  the  most  conspicuous. 

The  war  recommenced  with  great  activity,  but  no 
decisive  action  was  fought.  O'Neill,  with  consum- 
mate ability,  avoided  every  attempt  to  force  him  to 
a  general  engagement,  and  broke  through  the  hostile 
lines  when  attempts  were  made  to  blockade  his 
troops.  The  lord-lieutenant  suspected  that  some 
of  the  Irish  lords  secretly  supplied  the  insurgents 
with  information ;  and  a  strange  event  made  him 
believe  that  Ormond  was  the  traitor.  When  Sir 
George  Carew  was  proceeding  to  his  presidency  in 
Munster,  he  was  invited  by  the  Earl  of  Ormond  to 
attend  a  conference  with  O'Moore,  who  had  made 
proposals  of  submission.  Carew  and  the  Earl  of 
Thomond  wished  that  they  should  be  attended  by  a 
sufficient  guard,  but  Ormond  steadfastly  refused  to 
take  more  than  seventeen.  The  place  of  meeting 
was  in  the  vicinity  of  a  wood,  behind  which  O'Moore 
had  stationed  a  numerous  band,  in  addition  to  a  large 
body  of  pikemen  by  whom  he  was  openly  escorted. 
During  the  discussion,  O'Moore's  followers  gradually 
advanced,  while  Carew  in  vain  warned  Ormond  of 
his  danger ;  at  length  they  seized  the  earl,  but  Carew 
and  Thomond  escaped  by  the  swiftness  of  their 
horses.  Ormond  was  long  detained  a  prisoner;  for 
Montjoy  rejected  the  terms  of  ransom  offered  by 
O'Moore.  They  were  sufficiently  exorbitant  to 
justify  this  refusal,  even  if  the  deputy  was  not  se- 
cretly pleased  with  the  removal  of  a  nobleman  whom 
he  regarded  as  the  rival  of  his  power. 

The  system  of  war  pursued  by  Montjoy  and  Ca- 
rew was  that  which  had  been  found  so  efficacious 
in  destroying  the  Earl  of  Desmond.  Bribes  were 
offered  to  the  inferior  chiefs  for  desertion.  Rivals 
were  encouraged  to  assail  the  claims  of  those  tanists 
who  still  adhered  to  O'Neill.  The  houses  were  de- 


206  HISTORY    OF    mELAND. 

stroyed,  the  cornfields  consumed,  fire  and  famine 
were  once  more  brought  to  the  aid  of  slaughter. 
Carevv  was  more  merciless  in  establishing  this  cruel 
system  than  Montjoy.  He  was  naturally  cruel  and 
rapacious,  a  deliberate  encourager  of  treachery,  and 
not  ashamed  to  avow  and  defend  perfidy  and  assassi- 
nation. When  any  of  the  insurgent  leaders,  broken 
by  calamity,  sued  for  permission  to  return  to  his 
allegiance,  Carew  granted  pardon  only  on  the  con- 
dition that  the  offender  should  prove  his  new  zeal 
for  the  royal  service  by  murdering-  a  friend  or  rela- 
tive ;  and  this  detestable  practice  he  vindicates  in 
his  writings  as  wise  and  sound  policy. 

Devastation  greatly  reduced  O'Neill's  strength. 
His  adversaries  derived  their  supplies  from  England ; 
his  resources  were  destroyed  when  his  own  fields 
were  wasted.  Still  he  bravely  continued  the  war, 
relying  on  the  promised  aid  of  the  Spaniards,  and 
stimulated  by  the  numerous  emissaries  of  Rome, 
who  exhorted  him  to  perseverance.  He  was  besides 
well  aware  that  the  late  submissions  to  the  govern- 
ment were  hollow  and  insincere,  especially  as  no 
provision  was  made  for  the  removal  of  the  grievances 
which  had  caused  the  insurrection.  Grievous  ex- 
actions were  made  from  the  proprietors  of  land. 
Jurors  were  packed  in  the  most  open  and  shameful 
manner.  Innocent  persons  were  executed  some- 
times without  the  formality  of  a  trial,  or,  when  that 
was  granted,  by  the  verdict  of  a  tribunal  whose  forms 
were  a  cruel  mockery.  The  penal  laws  against  re- 
cusants were  enforced,  and  English  settlers  drove 
the  natives  from  their  land  without  the  pretence  of' 
a  claim.  The  knowledge  of  these  circumstances 
induced  O'Neill  to  persevere,  though  lie  knew  that 
his  chances  of  final  success  were  diminishing'  every 
hour  with  fearful  rapidity.  In  Minister,  Sir  George 
Carew  had  reduced  the  most  powerful  septs,  and 
gained  possession  of  the  persons  of  several  chiefs. 
To  one  of  these,  who  was  loud  in  his  professions  of 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  207 

loyalty,  Carew  put  the  question,  "What  if  the 
Spaniards  should  arrive  ?"  The  Irish  lord  candidly 
answered,  "  In  that  case,  do  not  confide  in  me,  nor 
in  any  of  the  lords  who  seem  most  devoted  to  your 
service." 

The  long-expected  succours  from  Spain  at  length 
appeared ;  but  the  English  had  sufficient  warning, 
and  were  prepared  for  their  reception.  The  expedi- 
tion was  altogether  the  worst  planned  and  worst 
executed  ever  sent  by  a  blundering  government.  It 
had  been  delayed  too  long.  Its  preparation  was 
made  so  openly  that  one  would  suppose  observation 
had  been  courted.  It  was  miserable  in  amount ;  and 
its  leader  was  wretchedly  incompetent.  Don  Juan 
d'Aquila,  to  whom  Philip  had  intrusted  a  small  fleet 
and  two  thousand  men,  with  the  most  inconceivable 
folly  determined  to  land  in  the  south  of  Ireland,  while 
Tyrone,  to  whose  assistance  he  had  come,  was  shut 
up  in  the  extreme  north.  Scarcely  had  he  landed, 
when  he  personally  insulted  O'Sullivan  Beare,  the 
first  toparch  who  offered  him  assistance ;  and  thus 
at  once  disgusted  the  southern  septs.  To  add  to 
his  confusion,  Carew  and  Montjoy,  having  collected 
a  powerful  army,  invested  Kinsale,  and  pushed  the 
siege  with  vigour. 

O'Neill  was  not  a  little  perplexed  by  the  awkward 
situation  of  the  Spaniards.  A  march  through  an 
exhausted  country,  in  the  depth  of  a  severe  winter, 
and  with  forces  already  disheartened  by  calamity, 
was  an  enterprise  full  of  danger.  On  the  other  hand, 
it  was  clear  that  Don  Juan,  unless  speedily  relieved, 
would  be  forced  to  surrender.  The  Spaniard  was 
already  disgusted  with  the  expedition ;  and,  while 
he  answered  the  summons  of  Montjoy  with  ridicu- 
lous gasconade,  he  sent  the  most  urgent  and  angry 
letters  to  O'Neill  and  O'Donnel,  soliciting  their  aid. 
The  march  of  the  Irish  army  sufficiently  proves  the 
ability  of  the  leaders,  and  the  zeal  of  their  followers. 
Notwithstanding  the  difficulties  of  the  country,  tJioy 


208  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

advanced  with  their  baggage  and  artillery  at  the  rate 
of  forty  miles  a  day ;  and,  by  their  extraordinary  ce- 
lerity, baffled  the  lord-president,  who  marched  to  in- 
tercept them.  Nearly  at  the  time  that  O'Neill  arrived 
before  Kinsale,  a  second  Spanish  armament  reached 
the  Bay  of  Baltimore,  and  were  enthusiastically  re- 
ceived by  the  neighbouring  septs.  Several  that  had 
hitherto  preserved  their  allegiance  now  took  up  arms, 
and  O'Neill  was  thus  enabled  to  blockade  the  lord- 
lieutenant  in  his  camp.  Montjoy's  army  was  thus 
placed  in  a  most  perilous  situation ;  they  were  at 
once  besiegers  and  besieged ;  their  supplies  from  the 
country  were  cut  off;  and  the  sea,  which  the  British 
fleet  kept  open  to  them,  was  still  a  precarious  ground 
of  confidence.  In  fact,  nothing  was  necessary  for 
the  complete  ruin  of  an  army  on  which  the  fate  of 
a  kingdom  depended,  but  that  Tyrone  should  remain 
quietly  in  the  position  he  had  selected.  O'Neill 
knew  his  advantages  well,  and  could  not  be  tempted, 
by  all  the  arts  of  the  British  leader,  to  quit  his  in- 
trenchments ;  but  the  presumptuous  Spaniard  was 
eager  to  exhibit  his  valour  in  a  pitched  battle. — 
Montjoy,  having  discovered  by  his  spies  the  feel- 
ings of  Don  Juan,  made  use  of  the  most  ingenious 
artifices  to  increase  his  daring.  He  sent  pretended 
deserters  into  the  town,  who  described  the  English 
army  as  reduced  to  a  shocking  state  of  disorganiza- 
tion ;  and  asserted  that  the  soldiers  were  so  worn 
down  with  fatigue  and  famine  as  to  be  incapable 
of  aft  effective  resistance.  Don  Juan  wrote  the 
most  pressing  letters  to  O'Neill,  urging  him  to 
crush  the  English  at  once,  and  promising  to  aid  him 
by  a  sally  from  the  town.  O'Neill  continued  to  re- 
fuse ;  but  the  chiefs  by  whom  he  was  supported 
joined  in  the  solicitations  of  the  Spaniard,  and  an 
unwilling  assent  was  at  length  wrung  from  the  gal- 
.ant  chieftain. 

It  was  resolved  to  attack  the  English  camp  by 
night.     The  spies  revealed  the  plan  to   Montjoy, 


HISTORY   OF    IRELAND.  209 

and  he  made  his  preparations  accordingly.  The 
moment  that  O'Neill  saw  the  English  lines,  he  knew 
that  he  was  betrayed.  On  the  instant  he  determined 
to  change  his  plan  of  action ;  but  his  orders  were 
misunderstood  by  a  portion  of  the  troops,  and  his 
lines  were  thus  broken.  The  Earl  of  Clanricarde, 
and  Wingfield,  marshal  of  the  horse,  precipitated 
their  cavalry  through  this  fatal  gap,  and  the  fate  of 
the  battle  was  decided.  O'Neill  made  several  des- 
perate efforts  to  retrieve  the  fortune  of  the  day ; 
but  he  was  badly  seconded  by  the  other  leaders,  and 
forced  at  length  to  fly.  O'Donnel,  who  commanded 
the  rear,  made  no  attempt  at  resistance,  but  fled 
without  striking  a  blow.  The  carnage  was  dreadful. 
No  quarter  was  given,  except  to  a  few  of  the  Span- 
iards ;  and  the  Irish  lords  who  were  made  prisoners 
were  hanged  the  morning  after  the  action.  O'NeilJ 
wished  to  persuade  his  followers  to  resume  their 
former  station,  or  to  try  the  chances  of  a  second 
battle ;  but  their  spirits  were  effectually  broken, 
and  they  almost  unanimously  resolved  to  return 
home. 

Don  Juan  now  offered  to  capitulate,  and  terms  of 
surrender  were  proposed.  Like  a  true  Spaniard, 
he  raised  numberless  scruples  on  trifling  points  of 
etiquette,  but  neglected  matters  of  greater  import- 
ance. Montjoy,  whose  interest  it  was  to  terminate 
the  war  as  speedily  as  possible,  made  some  sacrifices 
to  Castilian  pride,  and  obtained  quiet  possession  of 
the  castles  garrisoned  by  the  Spaniards.  O'Sullivan, 
an  Irish  chieftain  of  some  note,  was  by  no  means 
satisfied  with  this  arrangement.  He  turned  the 
Spaniards  out  of  his  castle  at  Dunboy,  garrisoned 
it  with  his  own  followers,  and  resolved  on  an  obsti- 
nate defence.  The  strength  of  the  castle  severely 
taxed  the  ingenuity  of  the  general  and  the  valour  of 
his  soldiers.  At  length  a  lodtrment  was  effected 
on  the  walls,  but  the  garrison  refused  to  yield.  They 
fought  the  besiegers  from  room  to  room  ;  and  when 
1.-Q 


210  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

at  last  driven  to  the  cellar,  the  governor  made  a 
desperate,  but  fortunately  a  vain  attempt  to  blow 
up  victors  and  vanquished,  by  plunging  a  torch  into 
a  barrel  of  gunpowder. 

The  war  in  Munster  was  now  virtually  over. 
The  principal  Irish  lords  that  escaped  the  sword 
rted  to  Spain,  where  their  descendants  still  may  be 
found.  O'Sullivan  Beare  refused  to  become  an 
exile ;  and,  collecting  the  remnant  of  the  southern 
insurgents,  maintained  a  predatory  warfare  undei 
cover  of  the  western  bogs  and  mountains.  This 
hopeless  contest  was  attended  by  a  horrid  waste  of 
life,  for  both  parties  invariably  murdered  their  pris- 
oners. O'Sullivan  was  finally  reduced  to  such  straits 
by  the  vigour  of  Carew  that  he  resolved  to  force 
his  way  into  Ulster,  and  unite  his  shattered  troops 
with  those  of  Tyrone.  Carew  sent  a  strong  body 
of  light  troops  to  harass  the  fugitives;  but,  mad- 
dened by  despair,  they  turned  on  their  pursuers, 
and  boldly  gave  them  battle.  The  Irish  suffered 
severely  in  the  contest ;  but  not  a  single  Englishman 
escaped. 

The  war  of  desolation  was  now  renewed  in  the 
north ;  and  O'Neill  saw,  every  day,  his  bravest  fol- 
lowers perishing  by  the  slow  and  painful  death  of 
famine.  His  hopes  from  Spain  were  gone ;  his 
allies  were  either  exiles,  or  had  purchased  precarious 
safety  by  submission ;  and  his  proud  heart  was 
humbled  by  witnessing  calamities  which  he  could 
not  avert,  and  misery  he  was  unable  to  relieve.  He 
offered  terms  of  accommodation,  which  Montjoy  as 
readily  accepted.  Elizabeth  was  now  on  her  death- 
bed ;  and  the  enormities  which  she  had  sanctioned 
in  Ireland  weighed  heavily  on  her  conscience.  She 
now  endeavoured  to  make  some  tardy  reparation. 
Orders  were  issued  to  restore  Sir  Finin  O'Uriscol 
to  his  estate  in  Carbery,  and  to  make  peace  with 
O'Neill  on  easy  terms.  As  O'Driscol  did  not  happen 
to  be  particularly  formidable,  the  Irish  privy  counc-J 


HISTORY   OF   IRELAND.  211 

first  evaded,  and  then  openly  disobeyed  the  royal 
command ;  but  the  name  of  O'Neill  was  still  dreaded, 
and  terms  of  peace  were  arranged.  Before  the 
news  of  this  pacification  could  be  sent  to  England, 
the  intelligence  of  the  queen's  death  was  received. 
O'Neill,  on  hearing  of  it,  burst  into  a  passion  of 
tears.  The  cause  he  assigned  for  this  unusual  emo- 
tion was  regret  for  the  death  of  a  princess  whose 
personal  kindness  he  had  requited  by  ingratitude. 
It  is  more  probable  that  he  grieved  for  having  lost 
the  opportunity  of  making  his  return  to  allegiance  a 
personal  compliment  to  the  new  sovereign. 

The  imperfect  subjugation  of  Ireland  cost  Eliza 
beth  more  than  three  millions  sterling,  and  an  in- 
calculable number  of  her  bravest  soldiers.  The  un- 
fortunate country  was  reduced  to  a  desert ;  and  at 
least  one-half  of  the  population  perished  by  famine 
or  the  sword.  The  submission  purchased  at  this 
tremendous  cost  could  not  be  sincere  or  permanent; 
and  the  system  to  which  Elizabeth  trusted  for  secu- 
rity manifestly  increased  the  perils  of  her  govern- 
ment. To  extirpate  the  ancient  nobility,  and  to 
divide  their  estates  among  the  minions  of  the  Eng- 
lish and  Irish  courts,  was  avowedly  the  object  of 
several  successive  administrations ;  and  in  pursuit 
of  that  object,  the  common  principles  of  justice  and 
humanity  were  flagrantly  outraged.  The  under- 
takers were,  in  general,  unprincipled  adventurers, 
who  showed  no  gratitude  to  the  crown,  and  no 
mercy  to  the  country ;  they  were  faithless  subjects 
and  cruel  masters.  The  great  body  of  the  peasantry 
hated  them  as  intruders,  and  despised  them  as  up- 
starts ;  nor  was  their  conduct  such  as  to  diminish 
either  feeling.  Situated  as  Ireland  was,  the  ancient 
aristocracy  might  easily  have  been  made  the  bond  of 
union  between  the  people  and  the  sovereign.  Time 
would  have  broken  up  overgrown  estates,  and  the 
ordinary  progress  of  events  ameliorated  the  feudal 
system ;  but  when  the  nobles  were  sacrificed  to  a 


212  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

faction,  all  the  links  of  society  were  broken,  and  i  .»v 
eminent  deprived  of  the  natural  means  of  introducing 
improvements.  An  additional  danger  resulted  from 
the  numbers  of  the  Irish  nobility  who,  when  driven 
into  exile,  fled  to  the  Continent,  and  obtained  em- 
ployment in  the  armies  of  France  and  Spain.  They 
never  resigned  the  hope  of  returning  to  their  country, 
and  recovering  in  a  new  struggle  the  estates  of  which 
they  had  been  plundered. 

The  commerce  and  trade  of  the  country  was  ar.- 
nihilated  by  these  protracted  contests.  The  finances 
were  so  dilapidated,  that  they  were  inadequate  to 
the  ordinary  expenses  of  the  government.  Eliza- 
beth, in  her  distress,  proceeded  to  debase  the  coin — 
an  expedient  which  of  course  only  multiplied  the 
difficulties. 

Religion  could  not  bo  expected  to  possess  much 
influence  amid  the  incessant  din  of  arms.  It  was,  to 
use  the  language  of  an  old  divine,  "in  everybody's 
mouth,  and  in  nobody's  heart."  Efforts  were  made 
by  many  partisans  of  the  government  and  by  the 
papal  emissaries  to  give  the  struggle  the  character  of 
a  religious  war ;  but  they  signally  failed.  Many  of 
Elizabeth's  bravest  soldiers  were  bigoted  Catholics, 
and  yet  they  never  for  a  moment  swerved  from  their 
allegiance.  Desmond,  the  leader  in  the  second  great 
war,  notoriously  offered  to  profess  the  reformed  re- 
ligion if  his  estates  could  be  secured ;  and  Hugh 
O'Neill  was  so  openly  regardless  of  disputed  doc- 
trines, that  his  profession  of  anxiety  to  defend  the 
true  faith  was  hailed  with  shouts  of  ridicule  by  all 
parties.  "  Hang  thee,"  said  the  Earl  of  Essex,  with 
equal  humour  and  truth,  "thou  talkest  of  a  free  ex- 
ercise of  religion  !  thou  carest  as  much  for  religion 
as  mv  horse !" 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  213 


CHAPTER  XIII 

The  Reign  of  James  I 

THE  accession  of  James  I.  caused  no  little  anxiety 
among  all  parties  in  Ireland.  His  real  character  was 
nnknown  to  the  leaders  of  the  English  interest:  the 
Irish  Catholics  believed  that  in  him  they  would  find 
a  patron  and  a  friend.  They  argued  that  the  son  of 
Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  who  had  died  a  martyr  to  the 
faith,  would  not  long  continue  to  support  heresy ; 
and  acting  on  this  mistaken  notion,  they  forthwith, 
in  defiance  of  law,  proceeded  to  establish  the  public 
exercise  of  the  Romish  religion.  The  cities  of  Mun- 
ster  were  the  foremost  in  this  incautious  display ; 
and  the  lord-lieutenant  immediately  marched  south- 
ward to  crush  this  dangerous  spirit.  When  Mont- 
joy  arrived  before  Waterford,  he  was  met  by  a  depu- 
tation of  the  citizens,  accompanied  by  two  monks, 
eager  to  exhibit  their  skill  in  argumentative  oratory. 
The  ecclesiastics  pleaded  the  crime  of  proclaiming 
as  king  an  enemy  to  the  faith.  The  citizens  showed 
a  charter  of  King  John,  by  which  Waterford  was 
excused  from  quartering  soldiers.  Montjoy  silenced 
the  monks  by  detecting  them  in  a  misquotation  from 
St.  Austin ;  and  terrified  the  citizens  by  threatening, 
if  the  gates  were  not  instantly  opened,  that  "he 
would  cut  asunder  the  charter  of  King  John  with 
the  sword  of  King  James !"  Such  reasoning  was  ir- 
resistible ;  the  city  at  once  yielded ;  and  in  a  few 
days  Clonrnel  and  Cashel  imitated  the  example. 
Cork  showed  rather  more  obstinacy ;  but  it  surren- 
dered after  a  short  siege,  and  a  few  of  the  leaders 
were  executed. 

The  last  act  of  Montjoy's  government  was  one 


214  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

that  confers  deserved  honour  on  his  name.  He  pub 
lished  an  act  of  general  oblivion  and  indemnity  for 
all  offences  committed  before  his  majesty's  acces 
sion :  and  he  received  under  the  protection  of  the 
British  law  the  whole  body  of  the  Irish  peasantry, 
who  had  been  hitherto  left  at  the  absolute  disposal 
of  their  chieftains.  Montjoy  appointed  Sir  George 
Carew  his  deputy,  and  returned  to  England,  accom- 
panied by  Hugh  O'Neill  and  Roderick  O'Donnel. 
The  king  received  both  the  chieftains  very  gra- 
ciously. He  confirmed  O'Neill  in  his  title  of  Ty- 
rone and  all  his  honours  and  estates.  He  revived, 
in  favour  of  O'Donnel,  the  dormant  title  of  Tyrcon- 
nel.  The  Irish  lords  returned  to  Ireland,  but  were 
soon  destined  to  experience,  a  second  time,  how 
frail  a  defence  was  afforded  by  the  protection  of  the 
sovereign,  against  the  inveterate  hostility  of  the  fac- 
tion that  monopolized  the  local  government. 

Sir  Arthur  Chichester,  the  new  lord-lieutenant, 
laboured  strenuously  to  accomplish  the  great  work 
of  introducing  the  system  of  English  law,  which  his 
predecessor  had  begun.  The  customs  of  tanistry 
and  gavelkind  were  declared  illegal;  the  tenures  of 
land  modelled  after  the  English  form ;  the  division 
of  the  island  into  counties  completed;  and  the  cir- 
cuits of  the  judges  permanently  established.  Un- 
fortunately, the  good  effects  of  these  beneficial  mea- 
sures were  more  than  counterbalanced  by  the  revival 
of  the  penal  code,  which  Sir  Arthur  Chichester  ad- 
ministered witli  a  vigour  beyond  the  law.  The  king 
was  a  vain  and  contemptible  pedant,  proud  of  his 
talents  as  a  theologian,  and  seriously  persuaded  that 
his  pen  ought  to  be  sufficient  for  the  conversion  of 
a  people.  Chichester,  his  lieutenant,  was  cruel  and 
avaricious.  His  great  anxiety  was  to  make  a  for- 
tune, and  we  shall  soon  see  how  perfectly  he  suc- 
ceeded. The  punishment  of  recusants  at  this  time 
was  the  more  strange  as  James  was  more  than  sus- 
pected of  a  secret  attachment  to  the  Romish  doc- 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  218 

trines.     It  was  equally  impolitic  and  unjust,  for  the 
Irish  had  no  choice ;  they  must  either  have  adopted 
the  Catholic  religion  or  none,  as  they  were  wholly 
destitute   of  Protestant  instructers.     The   act  of 
Elizabeth  inflicted  a  pecuniary  fine   on  recusants. 
Chichester  added  deprivation  of  office  and  imprison 
merit.     The  Catholics  of  the  Pale  humbly  remon 
strated  against  these  illegal  hardships.     Chichester, 
unable  to  confute  their  arguments,  sent  the  remon- 
strants to  prison  likewise. 

In  the  midst  of  the  confusion  occasioned  by  these 
proceedings,  the  hearts  of  the  local  functionaries 
were  delighted  by  the  news  of  a  plot.  The  dis- 
covery of  what  is  usually  called  Gunpowder  Trea- 
son, and  the  real  nature  of  the  conspiracy  formed  by 
Catesby,  Percy,  and  Guy  Fawkes,  are  problems  of 
which  the  solution  is  not  yet  quite  complete.  The 
accounts  published  by  royal  authority  are  obscure 
and  perplexed  in  the  extreme ;  the  statements  made 
by  the  counsel  for  the  crown  on  the  trials  are  not 
borne  out  by  the  evidence ;  and  the  witnesses  do  not 
seem  to  have  been  the  persons  who  could  have  given 
the  best  information.  Still  there  can  be  no  doubt 
of  the  existence  of  this  atrocious  conspiracy,  though 
all  the  details  are  uncertain.  The  account  given  by 
Dryden  of  another  plot  is  much  more  applicable  to 
this  :— 

"  Succeeding  times  did  equal  folly  call, 
Believing  nothing,  or  believing  all." 

The  Irish  privy  council  felt,  or  pretended,  a  great 
alarm  when  they  received  the  news  of  the  danger 
to  which  the  king  had  been  exposed.  With  much 
more  reason  the  Catholic  lords  were  filled  with  con- 
sternation; for  the  crime  was  unhesitatingly  ascribed 
to  all  the  professors  of  the  Romish  religion.  A  let- 
ter was  dropped  in  the  council-chamber,  darkly  hint- 
ing that  there  was  a  plot  formed  by  the  Irish  Ca- 
tholic lords  against  the  state.  No  names  were 


216  HISTORV    OF    IRELAND. 

mentioned,  no  particulars  given;  and  yet  the  local 
government  at  once  fixed  upon  the  Earls  of  Tyrone 
and  Tyrconnel  as  the  agents  of  this  pretended  con- 
spiracy. Both  these  lords  were  certainly  discon- 
tented. They  knew  that  they  were  viewed  with 
jealousy  and  hostility  by  the  officers  of  state;  and 
they  were  conscious  that  they  had  frequently,  in 
conversation,  uttered  sentiments  which  might  easily 
he  distorted  into  proofs  of  disaffection.  They  had 
learned,  by  bitter  experience,  in  a  former  leign,  that 
the  Irish  government  was  not  very  scrupulous  in  the 
use  of  means  for  increasing  confiscations;  and  as 
they  were  wholly  unprepared  for  resistance,  they 
fled  to  the  Continent.  Strange  it  is  that  grave  his- 
torians should  quote  their  flight,  an  undeniable  proof 
of  their  innocence,  as  an  evidence  of  their  guilt. 
Had  any  such  conspiracy  existed,  O'Neill,  who  had 
before  maintained  a  brave  war  against  Elizabeth, 
would  have  been  prepared  with  forces  sufficient  for 
his  defence,  and  perhaps  powerful  enough  to  peril 
the  security  of  the  state.  But  he  was  totally  desti- 
tute of  soldiers,  money,  arms,  or  ammunition,  for 
he  had  entertained  no  thoughts  of  war.  In  his  case, 
innocence  was  weakness,  and  consequently  ruin. 
It  has  been  asked,  "  Why  then  did  he  not  stand  his 
trial  ?"  He  might  have  answered,  as  another  unfor- 
tunate Irish  exile  did  in  a  similar  case,  "  What 
chance  would  a  fat  goose  have  before  a  jury  of 
foxes  '?"  Those  who  have  looked  into  those  records 
of  guilt  and  oppression,  the  State  Trials,  and  espe- 
cially those  of  Ireland,  will  entertain  no  doubt  of 
what  the  event  would  have  been  if  he  had  appeared 
before  the  royal  court.  The  charge  for  hiring  wit- 
nesses was  long  in  Ireland  one  of  the  ordinary  ex- 
penses of  the  civil  government. 

The  name  of  O'Xeill  was  well  known  on  the  Con- 
tinent; and  in  every  Kuropeau  nation  the  treatment 
he  had  received  became  a  subject  of  reproach  against 
England.  James,  in  consequence,  published  a  prof 


HISTORY   OF   IRELAND.  217 

tarnation,  unfortunately  too  long  for  insertion,  as  it 
is  a  curiosity  in  its  way,  stating  in  general  terms 
the  guilt  of  the  fugitive  earls.  This  document, 
which  contains  nothing  hut  vague  and  genera] 
rharges,  mixed  with  no  small  share  of  personal 
abuse,  served  only  to  prove  that  the  king's  injustice 
could  neither  be  excused  nor  defended.  Sir  Cahir 
O'IDogherty,  another  chieftain  of  the  north,  took  up 
arms  under  circumstances  that  seem  to  prove  his 
insanity.  He  was  easily  crushed,  and  his  immense 
estates  added  to  the  forfeitures  of  Tyrone  and 
Tyrconnel. 

The  confiscations  thus  made  by  James  included 
the  six  counties  of  Tyrconnel,  now  called  Donegal, 
Tyrone,  Derry,  Fermanagh,  Cavan,  and  Armagh, 
containing  more  than  half  a  million  of  acres.  The 
king,  without  paying  any  regard  to  the  rights  of  the 
occupants,  determined  to  settle  in  these  districts 
colonies  from  England  and  Scotland,  and  to  drive 
the  actual  inhabitants  into  the  woods  and  moun- 
tains. This  iniquitous  scheme  is  wholly  inexcusable. 
The  Irish  chiefs  possessed  the  sovereignty  but  not 
the  property  of  the  soil :  consequently,  the  guilt  of 
O'Neill  and  O'Donnel,  though  ever  so  clearly 
proved,  could  not  affect  the  rights  of  their  feudato- 
ries, who  were  not  even  accused  of  treason.  The 
English  law  of  forfeiture,  in  itself  sufficiently  unjust, 
never  declared  that  the  interests  of  innocent  tenants 
should  be  sacrificed  for  the  rebellion  of  the  landlord ; 
it  only  placed  the  king  in  the  place  of  him  whose 
property  had  been  forfeited,  and  left  all  the  relations 
of  the  tenantry  unaltered.  Yet  were  all  the  actual 
holders  of  land  in  these  devoted  districts  dispos- 
sessed without  even  the  shadow  of  a  pretence;  and 
this  abominable  wickedness  is  eulogized  by  many 
even  at  the  present  day  as  the  very  consummation 
of  political  wisdom ! 

The  scheme  of  plantation  devised  by  James  sur- 
passed vhat  of  his  predecessor.     The  lands  were  di- 
i.— K 


218  HISTORY   OF    IRELAND. 

vided  into  portions  of  two  thousand,  fifteen  hundred, 
and  one  thousand  acres,  according  to  the  capacity 
of  the  undertake)  s.  They  were  bound  to  sublet  only 
to  English  tenants ;  to  give  these  secure  leases  on 
equitable  terms;  to  erect  houses  after  the  English 
fashion;  and  to  adopt  the  English  system  of  agricul- 
ture. They  were  strictly  prohibited  from  giving 
land  to  the  mere  Irish,  or  to  such  persons  as  refused 
the  oaths  of  allegiance  and  supremacy.  The  com- 
panies in  the  city  of  London  obtained  very  large 
grants  as  undertakers ;  and  it  is  but  justice  to  add, 
that  their  estates  are,  and  long  have  been,  the  best 
managed  in  Ireland.  Few  complaints  would  be  made 
of  absenteeism,  if  the  estates  of  all  absentees  were 
managed  with  so  much  attention  to  the  comforts  of 
the  tenantry  and  the  general  welfare  of  the  country 
as  those  of  the  London  companies.  In  the  com- 
mencement of  the  plantation  their  conduct  was, 
however,  far  different;  they  openly,  and  almost 
avowedly,  violated  every  part  of  their  contract ; 
they  acted  entirely  by  agents,  in  whose  selection 
little  care  was  taken;  and  they  permitted  them  to 
exhaust,  in  private  emolument,  resources  of  which 
they  were  slow  in  learning  the  value. 

The  order  of  baronetage  was  instituted  by  James; 
and  this  title  was  curiously  connected  with  the  plan- 
tation of  Ulster.  The  number  of  baronets  was 
limited  to  two  hundred;  and  each  who  received  the 
dignity  was  forced  to  pay  to  the  crown  a  sum  suf- 
ficient to  support  thirty  men  for  the  space  of  three 
years,  in  order  to  defend  the  new  settlement.  The 
money  was  never  applied  to  this  purpose,  but  was 
wasted  in  the  riotous  extravagance  of  the  royai 
household. 

Sir  Arthur  Chichester,  the  great  contriver  of  this 
extensive  scheme  of  spoliation,  received  as  a  reward 
the  territory  of  I:iisho\ven  and  the  greater  part  of 
the  estates  "that  ha. I  belonged  to  Sir  Cahir  O'Dog- 
herty.  It  ^'a*  manifestly  o1'  importance  to  have  this 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND  2l9 

extensive  transfer  of  property  secured  by  legislative 
enactment ;  and  for  this  purpose  it  was  resolved  to 
summon  a  parliament,  for  the  first  time  during  a 
space  of  twenty-seven  years.  There  was  every  rea- 
son to  dread  that  the  government  would  encounter 
a  vigorous  opposition  if  the  members  of  the  Lower 
House  were  fairly  elected ;  for  the  illegal  violence 
of  Chichester,  his  rigorous  exclusion  of  recusants 
from  office,  and  his  determination  to  continue  the 
penalties  for  refusing  to  attend  the  established  wor- 
ship, had  excited  universal  alarm  among  the  lords 
of  the  Pale  as  well  as  the  native  Irish.  To  provide 
against  this  danger  James  created  forty  boroughs  at 
once.  Created  is  the  proper  term  ;  for,  in  the  great 
majority  of  them,  it  would  have  been  difficult  to  dis- 
cover the  town  or  village  which  was  thus  suddenly 
incorporated.  Even  those  places  which  had  some- 
thing more  than  nominal  existence  received  charters 
full  of  blunders  and  inconsistencies,  which  placed 
the  result  of  the  elections  at  the  discretion  of  the 
returning  officers. 

A.  D.  1613. — Notwithstanding  all  these  precau- 
tions, the  recusants  mustered  in  great  strength,  and 
made  a  public  entry  into  Dublin,  with  numerous  trains 
of  attendants  and  retainers.  The  Upper  House  con- 
sisted of  sixteen  barons,  five  viscounts,  four  earls, 
and  twenty-five  spiritual  peers.  As  the  prelates 
were  unanimous  in  the  support  of  government,  and 
were  supported  by  a  majority  of  the  temporal  peers, 
the  influence  of  the  crown  in  the  Upper  House  was 
irresistible.  Parties  were  more  nearly  balanced  in 
the  House  of  Commons,  and  both  eagerly  embraced 
the  first  opportunity  of  trying  their  strength  in  the 
ei-iction  of  a  speaker.  The  friends  of  the  court  pro- 
posed the  attorney-general,  Sir  John  Davies;  and 
the  country  party  nominated  Sir  John  Everard,  a  law- 
yer of  a  respectable  family,  and  equally  eminent  for 
his  ability  and  integrity.  After  a  long  time  had  been 
wasted  in  violent  altercation,  the  courtiers  called  foi 


220  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

i  division.  It  was  agreed  that  the  ayes,  or  support 
ers  of  Davies,  should  go  out,  and  the  noes  'emain 
The  votes  were,  for  Sir  John  Davies  127  for  Su 
John  Everard  97.  But  the  election  was  not  decided 
immediately  by  this  vote.  A  scene  took  place  pre- 
viously, so  utterly  absurd  that  we  can  with  difficulty 
bring  ourselves  to  believe  that  any  such  could  have 
taken  place  in  a  deliberative  assembly.  No  soonei 
had  the  ayes  withdrawn,  than  the  recusants  voted 
themselves  the  House  of  Commons  by  acclamation, 
and  unanimously  called  on  Sir  John  Everard  to  take 
the  chair.  When  the  government  party  returned 
they  were  equally  surprised  and  indignant  at  the 
trick.  They  attempted  to  pull  Everard  from  the 
chair,  but  failing  in  this  effort,  they  placed  Sir  John 
Davies  in  his  lap.  This  only  added  to  the  confusion. 
A  disgraceful  tumult  followed,  which  at  last  termi- 
nated in  the  retirement  of  the  recusants,  who  pro- 
tested against  the  entire  constitution  and  proceed- 
ings of  the  parliament,  as  informal  and  illegal. 

The  recusant  lords  in  the  Upper  House  imitated 
this  example.  A  convention  of  all  who  had  with- 
drawn was  formed,  and  a  deputation  chosen  to  pre- 
sent a  remonstrance  to  the  king.  The  lord-lieu- 
tenant, on  the  other  hand,  sent  over  the  Earl  of 
Thomond,  the  chief-justice  of  the  King's  Bench, 
and  the  lord-treasurer,  to  defend  the  Irish  govern 
ment.  Both  parties  were  heard  before  the  king  iu 
council;  and  James,  as  might  easily  have  been  fore- 
seen, decided  in  favour  of  his  servants.  He  fa- 
voured the  remonstrants  with  a  lecture  on  the  pater 
nal  kindness  of  his  government,  in  his  own  peculia. 
1yle  of  eloquence  ;  and  ended  with  a  threat  of  pun- 
>htnent  for  their  late  hardihood,  and  a  promise  01 
favour  if  they  made  atonement  by  future  sub- 
•Tiission. 

The  country  party,  though  still  powerful,  made  no 
further  opposition.  The  bills  for  ratifying  the  attain 
tiers  of  O'Neill,  O'Donnel,  and  O'Dogherty  were 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  221 

passed  unanimously,  and  a  subsidy  was  granted  to 
the  king  with  great  alacrity ;  for  the  rival  factions 
eagerly  Bought  to  claim  the  exclusive  merit  of  the 
grant. 

The  success  of  the  northern  plantation  gave  James 
a  taste  for  confiscations,  \\  Inch  the  Irish  officers  of 
the  crown  were  eager  to  encourage.  .All  their  inge- 
nuity was  not,  however,  equal  to  the  invention  of  a 
new  plot;  they  therefore  devised  a  scheme  more 
certain  in  its  effects,  and  more  glaringly  iniquitous. 
This  was  the  "  commission  for  the  discovery  of  de- 
fective titles;"  at  the  head  of  which  was  placed  Sir 
William  Parsons,  an  unprincipled  adventurer,  on 
whom  craft  and  crime  has  conferred  an  unenviable 
notoriety.  During  the  long  civil  wars  that  had  de- 
vastated the  island  in  the  preceding  reigns,  and  espe- 
cially the  last,  property  had  been  in  a  state  of  con- 
stant fluctuation.  Deeds  were  lost — documents  de- 
stroyed— feudal  services  left  unperformed — and  rents 
to  the  crown  unpaid.  By  taking  advantage  of  these 
circumstances  the  king  obtained  the  forfeiture  of  an- 
other half  million  of  acres.  A  class  of  informers, 
called  discoverers,  was  regularly  employed  by  the 
officers  of  the  crown  to  search  out  defective  titles. 
They  were  rewarded  by  grants  of  concealed  lands 
belonging  to  the  crown  ;  and  the  king  was  interested 
in  their  support,  by  the  hope  of  an  advanced  rent,  or 
a  heavy  composition.  The  united  avarice  and  prodi- 
gality of  the  king  thus  induced  him  to  make  his  ad- 
ministration nothing  better  than  a  system  of  robbery  ; 
but  his  officers  in  Ireland  went  far  beyond  their 
master  in  iniquity,  and  plundered  with  strict  impar- 
tiality the  loyal  and  the  suspected,  the  opponents  of 
Lhe  government,  and  those  who  had  been  taken  under 
the  protection  of  the  crown. 

One  case  may  be  quoted  as  a  specimen  of  Irish 
justice  in  those  days.  Bryan  and  Turlogh  Byrne 
were  the  rightful  owners  of  a  tract  in  Leinster,  called 
the  Ranelaghs.  Its  vicinity  to  the  capital  made  it  a 


222  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

desirable  plunder;  and  accordingly  Parsons,  Lori 
Esmond,  and  some  others  determined  that  it  should 
be  forfeited.  The  Byrnes,  however,  had  powerful 
in'erest  in  England,  and  obtained  a  patent  grant  of 
their  lands  from  the  king.  Parsons  and  Esmond 
were  not  to  be  disappointed  so  easily.  They  flatly 
refused  to  pass  the  royal  grant ;  and  deeming  the  de- 
struction of  the  Byrnes  necessary  to  their  safety, 
they  had  them  arrested  on  a  charge  of  treason.  The 
witnesses  provided  to  support  the  charge  were  Duffe, 
whom  Turlogh  Byrne,  as  a  justice  of  the  peace,  had 
sent  to  prison  for  cow-stealing,  MacArt  and  Mac- 
Griffin,  two  notorious  thieves,  and  a  farmer  named 
Archer.  This  last  long  resisted  the  attempts  to 
force  him  to  become  a  perjured  witness;  and  his  ob- 
stinacy was  punished  by  the  most  horrible  tortures. 
He  was  burned  in  the  fleshy  parts  of  the  body  with 
hot  irons;  placed  on  a  gridiron  over  a  charcoal  fire; 
and,  finally,  flogged  until  nature  could  support  him 
no  longer,  and  he  promised  to  swear  any  thing  that 
the  commissioners  pleased.  Bills  of  indictment  were 
presented  to  two  successive  grand  juries  in  the 
county  of  Carlow,  and  at  once  ignored,  as  the  sub- 
orned witnesses  were  unworthy  of  credit,  and  con- 
tradicted themselves  and  each  other.  For  this  oppo- 
sition to  the  will  of  government,  the  jurors  were  sum- 
moned to  the  Star-chamber  in  Dublin,  and  heavily 
fined.  The  witnesses  MacArt  and  MacGriffin,being 
no  longer  useful,  were  given  up  to  the  vengeance  of 
the  law.  They  were  hanged  for  robbery  at  Kilkenny ; 
and  with  their  dying  breath  declared  the  innocence 
of  the  Byrnes. 

The  ingenuity  of  Parsons  and  his  accomplices 
was  not  yet  exhausted.  The  Byrnes  presented  them- 
selves before  the  court  of  King's  Bench  in  Dublin, 
to  answer  any  charge  that  might  be  brought  against 
them.  No  prosecutor  appeared,  and  yet  the  chief- 
justice  refused  to  grant  their  discharge.  During 
two  years,  repeated  orders  were  transmitted  from 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  229 

England,  directing  that  the  Byrnes  should  be  freed 
from  further  process,  and  restored  to  their  estates 
but  the  faction  in  the  Castle  evaded  and  disobeyed 
every  mandate.  At  length,  on  learning  that  the  Duke 
of  Richmond,  the  generous  patron  of  the  persecuted 
Irishmen,  was  dead,  it  was  determined  by  Parsons 
to  complete  the  destruction  of  the  victims.  He  had 
before  been  baffled  by  the  integrity  of  a  grand  jury  ; 
on  this  occasion  he  took  proper  precautions  to  pre- 
vent a  similar  disappointment.  The  bills  were  sent 
before  the  grand  jurors  of  Wicklow  the  majority  of 
whom  had  obtained  grants  of  the  Byrne  property, 
and  all  were  intimately  connected  with  the  prose- 
cutors. The  evidence  placed  before  this  impartial 
body  was  the  depositions  of  four  criminals,  who 
were  pardoned  on  condition  of  giving  evidence  ;  but 
even  these  wretches  were  not  brought  in  person  be- 
fore the  jury.  Their  depositions  were  taken  in  Irish 
by  one  of  the  prosecutors,  and  translated  by  one  of 
his  creatures.  These  suspicious  documents,  how- 
ever, proved  sufficient,  and  the  bills  were  found. 

To  procure  additional  evidence,  it  was  necessary 
to  use  expedients  still  more  atrocious.  A  number 
of  persons  were  seized,  and  subjected  to  the  mock- 
ery of  trial  by  martial  law,  though  the  regular  courts 
were  sitting.  The  most  horrid  tortures  were  in- 
flicted on  those  who  refused  to  accuse  the  Byrnes ; 
and  some  of  the  most  obstinate  were  punished  with 
death.  But  the  firmness  of  the  victims  presented 
obstacles  which  were  not  overcome  before  some  vir- 
tuous Englishmen  represented  the  affair  so  strongly 
to  the  king  that  he  was  shamed  into  interference 
He  sent,  over  commissioners  from  England  to  inves- 
tigate the  entire  affair.  The  Byrnes  were  brought 
before  them,  and  honourably  acquitted.  Their  lives 
were  thus  saved ;  but  Parsons  had  previously  con- 
trived to  obtain  a  great  portion  of  their  estates  by 
patent,  and  was  permitted  to  keep  them  undisturbed. 

This  narrative,  which  has  been  rather  softened  .a 


224  HISTORY    OF   IRELAND. 

its  horrible  details,  may  appear  to  many  too  shock- 
ing to  be  believed ;  but  all  the  documents  connected 
with  it  are  still  preserved  in  the  library  of  the  Dublin 
University,  and  it  is  circumstantially  related  by  Carte, 
an  historian  remarkable  for  his  hostility  to  the  Irish. 
Neither  have  the  worst  parts  of  the  transaction  been 
without  a  parallel  in  more  modern  times.  Evidence 
obtained  by  indiscriminate  torture  was  used  for  the 
destruction  of  individuals  whose  political  sentiments 
were  adverse  to  those  of  the  dominant  faction,  at  a 
period  not  yet  removed  beyond  the  memory  of  man. 

The  local  government  of  Ireland,  during  the  re- 
mainder of  this  disgraceful  reign,  was  in  every  re- 
spect consonant  to  the  specimen  already  given.  Mar- 
tial law  was  proclaimed  in  times  of  peace ;  refrac- 
tory witnesses  were  tortured;  obstinate  jurors  fined 
and  imprisoned  ;  the  ecclesiastical  courts  became  in- 
struments of  intolerable  oppression ;  the  judges  of 
the  land  were  cruel,  venal,  and  profligate.  Pecula- 
tion pervaded  every  office  of  the  state ;  the  army 
mouldered  away,  for  the  commanders  were  mem- 
bers of  the  privy  council,  and  voted  themselves  the 
pay  for  full  companies,  while  the  number  of  soldiers 
actually  employed  scarcely  exceeded  one-third  of 
those  entered  on  the  returns  ;  and  such  was  the  ex- 
tent of  public  plunder,  that  the  annual  charge  of  the 
government  exceeded  by  sixteen  thousand  pounds 
the  annual  revenue  of  the  kingdom. 

The  rapacity  of  the  discoverers,  and  the  avarice 
of  the  monarch  were  still  unsatisfied;  and  a  new 
scheme  of  confiscation  was  devised,  which,  if  put 
into  execution,  would  have  forfeited  the  entire  prov- 
ide of  Connaught.  During  the  reign  of  Elizabeth, 
the  lords  and  gentry  of  this  province  had  surren- 
dered their  lands  to  Sir  John  Perrot,  and  received 
them  back  as  grants  from  the  queen.  Having 
neglected  the  enrolment  of  their  patents,  they  again 
surrendered  them  to  James,  and  paid  a  sum  of  three 
thousand  pounds  to  have  them  enrolled.  The  offi 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  226 

wrs  of  the  court  of  chancery,  from  negligence  or 
«ome  other  more  culpable  motive,  omitted  this 
form ;  and  the  king,  at  the  close  of  his  reign,  pre- 
pared to  take  advantage  of  this  clerical  error,  and 
seize  on  Connaught  as  he  had  on  Ulster.  The  pro 
prietors  were  filled  with  consternation  at  this  alarm  • 
ing  project,  and  immediately  prepared  to  avert  the 
blow.  They  knew  that  it  would  be  useless  to  appeal 
to  the  king's  justice,  his  honour,  or  his  humanity  ' 
out  they  were  aware  that  he  was  greedy  and  neces- 
sitous, and  therefore  tendered  him  a  bribe  of  ten 
thousand  pounds.  While  James  hesitated  between 
the  temptation  of  this  sum  in  hand  and  a  larger  in 
prospect,  he  was  seized  with  mortal  illness,  and 
died,  bequeathing  to  his  son  three  kingdoms  filled 
with  internal  discord,  and  involved  in  external 
wars,  from  which  neither  honour  nor  profit  could 
oe  derived. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

From  the  Accession  of  Charles  I.  to  the  Commencement  of  the  great 
Civil  War  in  Ulster. 

THERE  never  was  a  time  in  which  the  spirit  of 
religious  fanaticism  was  more  fierce  and  intolerant, 
.han  the  period  to  which  we  have  now  arrived.  In 
England  and  Scotland,  the  Episcopalians  and  the 
Puritans  were  violently  opposed ;  in  Ireland,  the 
Protestant  and  Catholic  interests  were  guided  by 
the  fiercest  animosity.  The  Catholics  received 
jvith  the  utmost  reverence,  a  bull  from  Pope  Urban 
VIII.,  in  which  his  holiness  asserted,  that  the  oath 
•>f  supremacy  "wrested  the  sceptre  of  the  Catholic 
church  from  the  hand  of  the  Almighty."  The  P  x>t- 


226  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

estant  prelates,  headed  by  Archbishop  Usher,  pub- 
lished a  declaration,  stating  that  those  who  tolerated 
popery  were  "  guilty  of  a  grievous  sin,  and  rendered 
themselves  accessory  to  idolatry,  abomination,  and 
the  perdition  of  souls,  which  perished  in  the  deluge 
of  Catholic  apostacy."  The  political  condition  of 
Ireland  was  still  more  perplexing.  The  faction 
which  had  hitherto  ruled  the  country  had  squandered 
the  revenue,  neglected  the  defences,  and  exhausted 
the  resources  of  the  nation.  In  Ulster,  the  original 
inhabitants,  deprived  of  their  lands,  supported  a 
miserable  existence  in  mountains  and  remote  dis- 
tricts, waiting  patiently  for  a  favourable  time  when 
the  possessions  of  which  they  had  been  despoiled 
might  be  recovered.  The  unprincipled  attempt  of 
the  late  king  to  seize  on  all  the  lands  in  Connaught 
spread  great  alarm  among  all  the  old  proprietors  of 
Irish  estates.  There  was  no  tenure  sufficiently  se- 
cure to  resist  the  arts  of  the  discoverers,  especially 
when  the  officers  of  state  and  the  judges  of  the 
realm  had  joined  in  their  alliance.  Much,  however, 
was  to  be  hoped  from  a  new  sovereign;  and  the 
Catholic  recusants,  then  forming  an  overwhelming 
majority  of  the  Irish  proprietary,  joined  by  several 
Protestants  of  rank,  held  a  meeting  in  Dublin  to 
propose  measures  for  tranquillizing  the  country. 

A.  D.  1628. — The  entire  proceedings  of  this  as- 
sembly were  marked  by  wisdom  and  moderation. 
They  drew  up  a  number  of  articles  in  the  nature  of 
a  bill  of  rights,  to  which  they  humbly  solicited  the 
royal  assent,  and  promised  that,  on  their  oeing 
granted,  they  would  raise  a  voluntary  assessment  of 
one  hundred  thousand  pounds  for  the  use  of  the 
crown.  The  principal  articles  in  these  Graces,  as 
they  are  called,  were  provisions  for  the  security  of 
property,  the  due  administration  of  justice,  the  pre- 
vention of  military  exactions,  the  freedom  of  trade, 
the  better  regulation  of  the  clergy,  and  the  restrain- 


HISTORY   OF   IRELAND.  227 

Ing*  of  the  tyranny  of  the  ecclesiastical  courts. 
Finally,  they  provided,  that  the  Scots  who  had  been 
planted  in  Ulster,  should  be  secured  in  their  posse' 
sions,  and  a  general  pardon  granted  for  all  offences. 
It  is  manifest,  that  these  articles  were  not  only 
founded  in  equity,  but  in  policy ;  that  they  were  we,l 
calculated  to  tranquillize  the  nation,  by  securing  the 
blessings  of  good  government ;  and  that  a  sovereign 
possessing  the  least  spark  of  wisdom  or  beneficence, 
ought  gladly  to  have  seized  so  splendid  an  oppor 
tunity  of  restoring  peace  and  prosperity  to  his  dis- 
tracted subjects.  It  is  but  just  to  add,  that  Charles 
seemed  impressed  by  the  reasonableness  of  the  pro- 
posals made  by  his  Irish  subjects ;  his  heart  was 
not  naturally  bad,  but  he  was  weak  and  wavering. 
A  clamour  was  raised  by  the  faction  of  the  ascend- 
ency in  Ireland,  and  echoed  by  the  Puritans  in 
England,  that  these  Graces  were  exclusively  designed 
tor  the  benefit  of  the  Catholics ;  Charles  became 
alarmed,  and  in  an  evil  hour  yielded  to  the  treacher- 
ous advice  of  Strafford.  With  detestable  duplicity 
he  accepted  the  proffered  money,  while  he  secretly 
resolved  that  the  promised  Graces  should  never  be 
granted.  A  technical  informality  in  the  writs  for 
summoning  parliament  served  as  an  excuse  for  de- 
laying the  Graces  during  the  administration  of  Lord 
Falkland.  When  he  departed,  the  sword  was  com- 
mitted to  two  lords-justices,  Loftus  the  chancellor, 
and  Richard  Earl  of  Cork.  They  were  said  to  be 
disinclined  to  concession,  and  their  unwillingness 
was  made  a  pretence  for  further  delay.  At  length 
the  government  was  transferred  to  Thomas  Viscount 

*  The  wording  of  this  clause  proves,  that  however  the  established 
clemy  of  the  day  ma\  have  neglected  their  spiritual  duties,  they  took 
care  of  their  temporal  concerns.  It  runs  thus  :  '-That  no  extraordinary 
warrants  of  assistance,  touching  clandestine  marriages,  christenings, 
or  burials,  or  any  contumacies. pretended  against  ecclesiastical  jurisdic- 
tion, are  to  be  issued  or  executed  by  any  chief  governor  :  nor  are  the 
slerL-y  to  be  permitttd  to  keep  any  private  prisons  of  their  own  for  their 
own  causes ;  but  delinquents  in  that  kind  are  henceforth  to  be  committeo 
to  the  king's  public  jails,  and  by  the  king's  officers." 


228  HISTORY    OF   IRELAND. 

Wentworth,  better  known  by  his  subsequen  ,itle  of 
Earl  of  Strafford,  who  voluntarily  took  upon  him- 
eelf  the  odium  of  refusing  them  altogether. 

The  administration  of  the  Earl  of  Strafford  forms 
an  important  era  in  the  history  of  Ireland.  He  came 
over  at  the  moment  of  a  crisis  which  was  to  deter- 
mine whether  the  country  was  to  enjoy  peace  and 
prosperity,  or  be  subjected  to  a  new  course  of  dis- 
cord and  calamity.  Through  ignorance  rather  than 
design,  he  adopted  a  system  which  inevitably  led  to 
the  latter,  and  involved  himself  and  his  master  in  the 
general  ruin.  His  character  has  often  been  the 
theme  of  unmeasured  eulogy  and  equally  extrava- 
gant vituperation,  because  he  was  himself  great  in 
his  qualities  both  of  good  and  evil.  While,  however, 
in  England  some  are  found  to  advocate  the  cause  of 
this  unfortunate  statesman,  his  name  is  at  this  hour 
intensely  detested  in  Ireland.  There  is  not  a  peasant 
who  passes  the  rums  of  the  magnificent  edifice 
which  he  began  to  erect  near  Naas  that  does  not 
vent  an  execration  against  "  Black  Tom,"  the  tyrant 
and  persecutor.  The  traditions  respecting  his  vio- 
lence and  oppression,  contain  the  most  exaggerated 
tales  of  cruelty,  bloodshed,  and  robbery,  more  like 
the  anecdotes  of  a  leader  of  banditti  in  the  eleventh 
century,  than  of  a  civil  governor  in  the  seventeenth. 
The  Catholics,  whom  he  certainly  outraged  by  per- 
suading the  king  to  break  his  promise  solemnly 
plighted,  and  the  puritanical  Protestants,  whose 
party  he  detested,  have  both  combined  to  blacken 
his  memory,  as  they  both  joined  to  destroy  his  life. 
His  very  virtues  have  been  tortured  into  crimes  ;  the 
benefits  which  he  unquestionably  laboured  to  confer 
represented  as  instances  of  malignity  and  hate.  It 
is  impossible  to  deny  that  his  government  was  the 
great  source  of  that  terrible  flood  of  evil  which  soon 
after  overwhelmed  the  land  ;  but  the  character  of  an 
action  is  not  always  to  be  determined  by  its  conse- 
quences. Strafford  must  not  btr,  condemned  because 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  229 

that  circumstances  which  he  could  not  have  foreseen 
made  his  best  measures  productive  of  naught  but 
evil.  His  history  should  be  a  warning  to  those 
statesmen  who  scruple  not  to  use  bad  means  for  the 
accomplishment  of  a  good  purpose  :  they  may,  like 
him,  be  hurried  away  before  their  labour  is  accom- 
plished ;  and  the  evil  means,  falling  into  less  pure  and 
less  able  hands,  may  be  directed  to  work  incalcula 
ble  mischief. 

Strafford  had  heard  that  Ireland  was  turbulent  and 
disaffected.  He  regarded  it  as  a  conquered  country, 
whose  inhabitants  possessed  no  civil  rights  but  by 
the  mercy  of  the  crown.  He  therefore  resolved  to 
make  the  sternest  despotism  the  principle  of  his  gov- 
ernment, and  to  admit  of  no  opposition  to  his  impe- 
rious will.  He  avowed  and  defended  these  senti- 
ments on  his  trial,  when  he  was  accused  of  endeav- 
ouring to  make  the  king  absolute  in  Ireland,  prepara- 
tory to  a  similar  attempt  in  England ;  and  there  can 
be  no  doubt  that  he  conceived  himself  fully  justified 
in  his  opinions.  He  was  also  prepossessed  against 
all  the  leading  men  of  Ireland,  but  more  especially 
against  the  best  and  most  truly  patriotic  nobleman 
of  the  day,  Richard  Earl  of  Cork.  Originally  a 
cadet  in  the  army  of  Elizabeth,  Richard  Boyle  had 
•risen  to  fame  and  fortune  by  honourable  services.  A 
fortunate  marriage,  and  the  purchase  of  the  grants 
made  to  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  gave  him  extensive 
estates  in  the  south  of  Ireland.  These  he  diligently 
improved  by  introducing  English  Protestants,  by  en- 
couraging manufactures,  and  by  erecting  useful  pub- 
lic works  at  his  own  expense.  While  he  thus  per- 
manently benefited  the  country,  he  extended  his  own 
resources  ;  but  there  was  no  foul  blot  on  his  charac- 
ter ;  he  had  not  trafficked  in  plots,  nor  traded  in  con- 
fiscations, but  ever  acted  consistently  with  the  prin- 
ciple expressed  in  his  motto,  "  God's  providence  is 
my  inheritance."  Schools  and  alms-houses,  which 
he  erected  in  his  towns  of  Youghal,  Lismore,  and 


230  HISTORY   OF   IRELAND. 

Bandon,  still  testify  his  benevolence ;  and  the  crimes 
which  led  to  the  extensive  confiscations  in  the  reign 
of  Elizabeth  would  have  been  forgiven,  and  perhaps 
forgotten,  if  all  the  new  proprietors  had  acted  as 
well,  and  as  wisely,  as  Richard  Earl  of  Cork. 

The  Earl  of  Straiford,  not  contented  with  denying 
the  promised  Graces,  prepared  to  execute  the  project 
of  a  new  plantation  in  Connaught,  which  James  had 
planned.  His  proceedings  in  this  undertaking  were 
characterized  by  more  than  ordinary  vigour,  and  by 
more  open  violations  of  justice  than  had  been  ex- 
pected. His  own  letters  inform  us  of  the  prelimina- 
ries which  he  deemed  necessary  before  entering  on 
a  judicial  investigation  of  the  king's  title  to  the 
estates  in  the  west  of  Ireland.  "  He  took  with  him 
to  each  town  where  an  inquisition  was  held  five 
hundred  horsemen,  as  good  lookers-on.  He  treated 
with  such  persons  as  might  give  furtherance  in  find- 
ing for  the  king.  He  inquired  out  fit  men  to  serve 
upon  juries.  He  obtained  a  grant  of  four  shillings 
in  the  pound  out  of  the  first  year's  rent  of  every 
estate  vested  in  the  crown  by  these  inquisitions,  to 
the  lord  chief-justice  and  the  chief  baron."  In  Leit- 
rim,  Roscommon,  Mayo,  and  Sligo  these  precautions 
were  found  effective:  the  juries  in  every  instance 
found  a  verdict  for  the  crown.  In  Galway,  however, 
the  jurors,  trusting  that  they  would  be  supported  by 
the  influence  of  the  Earl  of  Clanricarde,  ventured  to 
give  a  contrary  verdict.  The  irritated  lord-lieutenant 
immediately  fined  the  sheriff  a  thousand  pounds  for 
returning  an  improper  jury,  and  bound  over  the 
jurors  to  answer  for  themselves  before  the  Star 
chamber. 

The  compositions  which  the  lord-lieutenant  ex- 
torted from  those  who  had  neglected  the  conditions 
of  their  grants,  were  exorbitant  in  the  extreme.  He 
compelled  the  O'Byrnes  to  pay  seventeen  thousand 
pounds  to  remedy  a  pretended  defect  of  title,  and 
•xtorted  no  less  than  seventy  thousand  from  the 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  2H1 

London  companies  that  had  obtained  estates  in  Ulster. 
This  latter  circumstance  added  in  no  small  degree 
to  the  popular  clamour  which  had  been  raised  in  Eng- 
land against  the  pride  and  tyranny  of  Strafford.  In 
deed,  it  was  probably  one  of  the  principal  causes  of 
his  ruin;  for  thenceforward  the  citizens  of  London 
became  his  deadly  enemies,  and  exerted  all  their  in- 
fluence to  procure  his  destruction. 

The  conduct  pursued  by  the  haughty  governor  to- 
wards the  Irish  nobility  was  incredibly  rigorous. 
Lord  Wilmot  and  the  Earl  of  Cork  were  fined  for 
alleged  usurpations  of  property ;  the  Earl  of  Kil- 
dare  was  sent  to  prison ;  but  the  amazing  severity 
shown  to  Lord  Mountnorris  transcended  all  the 
others  so  much,  that  the  outcry  was  general  through- 
out England  and  Ireland. 

Sir  Francis  Annesley,  afterward  created  Lord 
Mountnorris,  was  one  of  the  few  adventurers,  in  the 
reigns  of  Elizabeth  and  James,  that  amassed  a  for- 
tune by  honourable  means.  He  was  a  pattern  of  in- 
tegrity, and  was  particularly  remarkable  for  the  rare 
virtue  of  doing  justice  to  the  native  Irish.  He  was 
the  principal  means  of  rescuing  the  O'Byrnes  from 
the  machinations  of  Parsons  and  Esmond,  and  had, 
on  several  occasions,  come  forward  as  the  advocate 
of  the  innocent  and  the  oppressed.  His  stern  inde- 
pendence was  displeasing  to  Strafford,  who  took 
every  opportunity  of  mortifying  him  in  the  official 
situation  which  he  held,  that  of  vice-treasurer. 
Mountnorris  suppressed  his  resentment ;  but  as  he 
had  cause  to  be  offended,  it  was,  of  course,  con 
eluded  that  he  cherished  some  seciet  hostility;  and 
he  was  closely  watched  by  the  spies  of  the  govern 
ment. 

At  a  dinner  given  by  the  lord-chancellor,  it  was 
casually  observed  by  one  of  the  guests,  that  Straf- 
ford had  been  much  provoked  by  a  domestic,  who  had 
hurt  his  gouty  foot  while  removing  a  stool.  This 
domestic  had  formerly  been  insulted  by  the  chief 


232  HISTORY   OF   IRELAND. 

governor;  in  reference  to  which,  Mountnorris  ob- 
sei  ved  that  he  had  probably  acted  by  design  ;  "  but," 
added  he,  "  the  gentleman  has  a  brother  who  would 
not  have  taken  such  a  revenge."  For  this  very  inno- 
cent remark  Mountnorris  was  arrested,  and  brought 
to  trial  before  a  court-martial,  over  which  Strafford 
presided  in  person.  The  pretence  for  this  species  of 
trial  was,  that  Mountnorris  commanded  a  company 
in  the  royal  army,  and  that  the  words  which  he  ut- 
tered were  mutiny.  The  proceedings  of  the  court 
were  brief  and  decided.  Mountnorris  was  found 
guilty  of  "  impeaching  the  obeying  his  general,"  and 
sentenced  to  military  execution.  The  infamy  of  this 
transaction  is  not  lessened  by  the  sentence  not  hav- 
ing been  put  in  force.  The  fact  that  a  nobleman 
was  subjected  to  a  long  and  tedious  imprisonment 
to  every  indignity  which  the  insolence  of  office  could 
dictate,  and  to  the  mortification  of  an  ignominious 
sentence,  for  an  innocent  remark  made  in  the  midst 
of  conviviality,  cannot  be  extenuated  because  a  tardy 
pardon  was  wrung  from  the  reluctant  shame  of  his 
bitter  persecutors. 

The  general  administration  of  Strafford,  though 
criminal  in  the  extreme,  possessed  merits  of  a  supe- 
rior order,  though  not  sufficient  to  redeem  its  guilt. 
He  laboured  successfully  to  improve  the  character 
of  the  established  church,  by  raising  the  qualifications 
of  the  clergy.  He  exacted  from  the  rectors  and  cu- 
rates a  stricter  attention  to  their  parochial  duties  than 
they  had  previously  bestowed,  and  rewarded  them 
by  restoring  to  the  church  a  large  portion  of  eccle- 
siastical revenue,  which  had  been  illegally  seized  by 
the  aristocracy.  In  enforcing  the  penal  laws,  Straf- 
ford showed  so  much  moderation  that  he  was  ac- 
cused by  the  puritans  of  encouraging  popery ;  but 
this  was  in  some  degree  counterbalanced  by  his  at- 
tack on  the  proprietors  of  Connaught.  The  scheme 
of  a  western  plantation,  which  he  had  matured  at  the 
expense  ol  so  much  guilt,  was  finally  laid  a'id*»  in 


HISTORY    OF   IRELAND.  233 

consequence  of  the  universal  outcry  raised  against 
such  monstrous  iniquity.  The  greatest  blessing  that 
Strafford  conferred  on  Ireland  was  the  establish- 
ment of  the  linen  manufactory,  long  afterward  the 
staple  manufacture  of  the  country.  It  must,  however, 
be  added,  that  he  also  successfully  laboured  to  de- 
stroy the  manufacture  of  cloths,  which  was  beginning 
to  flourish,  fearing  that  the  Irish,  having  wool  cheaper, 
would  rival  the  trade  of  England.  This  was,  how- 
ever, the  political  economy  of  his  day,  and  has  not 
wanted  advocates  and  imitators  in  more  enlightened 
periods. 

The  trade  and  commerce  of  Ireland  increased 
rapidly  under  the  firm  and  vigorous  government  of 
Strafford.  The  revenue  improved  with  amazing 
rapidity  ;  and  the  exchequer,  exhausted  at  his  arrival, 
was  full  when  he  departed.  The  army,  which  had 
fallen  into  a  shocking  state  of  disorganization,  was, 
by  his  exertion,  made  available  for  the  support  of  the 
government  and  the  defence  of  the  country. 

The  revolt  of  his  Scottish  subjects  compelled 
Charles  to  recall  the  ablest  of  his  ministers  from  the 
government  of  Ireland.  Before  Strafford  departed, 
he  obtained  the  vote  of  a  large  subsidy  from  the  Irish 
parliament,  which  was  declared  to  be  an  act  of  grati- 
tude for  the  benefits  that  the  country  had  received 
from  the  wise  administration  of  the  lord-lieutenant. 
In  a  few  months  after  his  departure,  the  vote  for  the 
subsidy  was  virtually  rescinded,  and  Strafford  was 
impeached  by  the  very  parliament  that,  had  lately 
loaded  him  with  fulsome  adulation.  Wandesford 
whom  Strafford  had  left  in  Ireland  as  his  deputy, 
died  of  a  broken  heart,  in  consequence  of  the  vex» 
tions  to  which  he  was  subjected  by  the  recusants 
and  puritans,  who  had  suddenly  formed  an  alliance 
against  the  government. 

The  unfortunate  monarch  was  now  in  the  begin- 
aing  of  those  troubles  that  afterward  deprived  him 
•f  his  life  and  crown.     He  knew  that  the  puritans 
I.— S 


234  HISTOR\    OF    IRELA-iD. 

were  his  most  zealous  enemies ;  arid  yet  at  this  criti- 
cal moment  he  intrusted  the  government  of  Ireland 
to  Parsons  and  Borlase,  men  completely  at  the  dis- 
posal of  the  English  parliament.  We  have  already 
given  some  account  of  the  conduct  of  Parsons  in  his 
office  of  commissioner  of  forfeitures.  It  is  only 
necessary  to  add  that  he  professed  the  most  rigid 
principles  of  Puritanism,  and  veiled  his  insatiable 
rapacity  under  the  cloak  of  affected  sanctity.  His 
colleague,  Sir  John  Borlase,  was  a  mere  soldier.  He 
had  received  little  or  no  education  ;  his  understand- 
ing was  mean  and  contemptible  ;  and  he  had  imbibed 
all  the  prejudices  and  all  the  ferocity  which  distin- 
guished the  violent  factions  of  that  unhappy  period. 
Borlase  was  governed  by  his  wily  colleague ;  and 
both  immediately  joined  in  employing  all  their  power 
to  oppose  the  interests  and  thwart  the  wishes  of 
their  sovereign.  They  aided  the  parliament  in  pre- 
venting the  levies  which  the  King  of  Spain  wished  to 
make  in  Ireland,  and  thus  kept  in  the  country  those 
men  whom  ambition,  when  left  ungratified  by  mili- 
tary fame  abroad,  urged  to  seek  distinction  by  civil 
war  at  home.  They,  however,  soon  found  that  the 
Irish  parliament,  having  thrown  oft"  its  customary 
submission  to  the  crown,  began  to  lose  its  respect 
for  the  delegated  authority  of  lords-justices ;  and 
they  therefore  put  an  end  to  the  session  by  pro- 
rogation. 

The  disputes  between  the  king  and  his  subjects  in 
Britain  were  daily  becoming  more  alarming;  and 
the  Irish  exiles  in  every  part  of  Europe  began  to 
contemplate  an  attempt  to  recover  the  property  of 
which  they  had  been  deprived.  The  Irish  of  Ulster 
were  notoriously  eager  to  engage  in  any  enterprise 
which  would  afford  a  promise  of  redeeming  their 
wrongs.  The  people  of  Connaught,  threatened  \\ith 
confiscation,  were  looking  to  arms  as  their  best  de- 
fence. The  recusants,  dreading  fhe  intolerance  of 
the  puritans,  contemplated  a  struggle  which  could 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  23S 

not  be  far  distant.  From  the  very  beginning  of  the 
year  1641,  it  must  have  been  evident  to  an  accurate 
observer  that  some  commotion  was  near  at  hand ; 
but  the  lords-justices  were  blind  to  approaching  dan 
ger.  They  thought  that  the  Irish,  having  been  so 
long  used  to  tyranny  and  oppression,  would  no* 
make  any  defence  for  their  religion  and  property, 
both  of  which  were  openly  threatened  by  the  gov- 
ernment ;  and  they  persevered  in  this  state  of  falla- 
cious security,  until  they  had  wellnigh  been  made 
the  victims  of  their  folly. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

The  War  of  1641  in  Ulster. 

WE  are  now  about  to  enter  on  the  history  of  a 
period  whose  strange  vicissitudes,  extraordinary 
chances,  and  dreadful  calamities  are  unequalled  in 
the  annals  of  any  age  or  nation.  The  great  civil  war 
of  1641  presented  the  novel  spectacle  of  four  armies 
animated  by  mutual  hatred,  wasting  the  country  in 
desultory  warfare,  and  exhausting  themselves  by  in- 
sincere negotiations,  until  at  length  that  which  was 
infinitely  the  weakest  triumphed,  and  consigned  the 
rest  to  hopeless  ruin.  The  native  Irish,  the  confed- 
erates or  Catholics  of  the  Pale,  and  the  royalists 
had  common  interests  and  common  enemies,  yet  they 
could  never  be  induced  to  form  a  sincere  union ;  and 
the  parliamentarians,  almost  without  an  effort,  con- 
quered all  three,  though  inferior  in  strength  and  num- 
bers to  each  sepaiately.  The  three  defeated  parties 
ihrew  the  blame  of  their  ruin  on  each  other;  the 
victors  libelled  all ;  and  thus  every  narrative  of  these 
transactions  is  full  of  the  grossest  misrepresentations. 


236  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

to  such  an  extent  that,  in  many  instances,  the  truth 
cannot  be  discovered  with  any  certainty.  In  such 
circumstances  the  historian  has  z  right  to  claim  the 
indulgence  of  his  readers,  if  in  some  instances  his 
account  be  found  to  contradict  ancient  prejudices, 
and  to  differ  very  materially  from  statements  so  often 
repeated  that  they  have  almost  received  the  author- 
ity of  axioms. 

There  has  been  no  little  confusion  introduced  into 
former  histories  of  this  eventful  period,  by  the  au- 
thors having-  neglected  to  distinguish  between  the 
causes  and  the  occasions  of  the  war.  Most  writers 
have  argued,  that  there  could  have  been  little  cause 
of  complaint  against  the  government,  when  the  tran- 
quillity of  the  country  had  remained  undisturbed  for 
nearly  half  a  century ;  forgetting  that  every  insur- 
rection which  tyranny  had  provoked  broke  out  only 
when  circumstances  seemed  favourable  to  the  hopes 
of  redress.  The  materials  of  a  conflagration  may  be 
for  years  accumulating,  but  the  presence  of  a  torch 
is  necessary  to  the  bursting  forth  of  the  flame. 

The  plantation  in  Ulster,  and  the  menace  of  similar 
spoliation  in  Connaught,  completely  and  justly  alien- 
ated the  minds  of  the  native  Irish  from  the  govern- 
ment. They  believed  that  a  determination  had  been 
taken  to  strip  them  of  all  their  property,  by  a  mix- 
ture of  vioCence  and  chicanery ;  and  the  conduct  of 
the  king  and  his  ministers  proved  that  they  were  not 
mistaken.  In  fact,  the  royalists  and  the  parliament- 
arians in  England  distinctly  avowed  their  fixed  reso- 
lution to  colonize  Ireland  with  good  subjects ;  and 
ooposed  as  they  were  in  every  thing  else,  Charles 
and  the  Commons  showed  wondrous  unanimity  in 
devising  plans  for  fresh  confiscations.  The  virulent 
declarations  of  the  English  parliament  against  popery 
were  justly  alarming  to  the  Irish  Catholics  ;  and  the 
shameful  execution,  or  rather  judicial  murder,  of 
several  priests  in  London,  for  the  offence  of  saying 
mass,  showed  that  the  persecution  threatened  by  the 


HISTORY    OF   IRELAND.  237 

puritans  would  not  long  be  confined  to  pecuniary 
penalties  and  disqualifications.  The  sin  of  tolerating 
popery  was  a  favourite  theme  with  the  Irish  clergy 
of  the  established  and  Scottish  church.  Similar  de- 
nunciations had  been  made  even  in  the  Irish  parlia- 
ment, and  were  only  suppressed  when  the  aid  of  th? 
recusants  was  required  to  complete  the  ruin  of 
Strafford.  The  character  of  Parsons  was  a  third 
cause  of  the  rancorous  hostility  to  government  which 
was  generally  prevalent  among  the  Irish.  The  ap- 
pointment of  such  a  man  to  the  office  of  lord-jus- 
tice was  felt  to  be  a  direct  sanction  of  the  principles 
on  which  he  acted.  The  tragedy  of  the  O'Byrnes 
was  too  enormous  and  too  recent  to  be  forgotten. 
There  was  every  reason  to  expect  that  spoliation, 
and  not  protection,  would  be  the  chief  object  of  an 
administration  at  the  head  of  which  was  a  wicked 
And  unprincipled  adventurer. 

The  successful  resistance  of  the  Scotch  was  the 
occasion  of  which  the  Irish  lords  determined  to  avail 
themselves.  The  attempt  of  the  king  to  impose  his 
religion  and  an  arbitrary  government  on  his  country- 
men had  been  signally  defeated.  The  rebellion,  if 
so  it  must  be  termed,  of  the  Scotch,  had  been  re- 
warded  by  the  establishment  of  the  religion  of  their 
choice,  the  security  of  constitutional  freedom,  and 
the  general  approbation  of  the  English  people.  The 
flame  of  insurrection  easily  spreads  from  one  coun 
try  to  another.  We  have  ourselves  witnessed  count 
less  examples  of  the  contagion  of  resolution.  It  i$ 
no  wonder  then  that  the  Irish,  who  had  suffered 
under  severer  wrongs,  and  had  far  greater  grievances 
to  redress,  should  have  resolved  to  emulate  the  suc- 
cessful revolt  of  their  brethren  in  Scotland. 

The  chief  heads  of  the  Irish  conspiracy  were  de- 
scended from  those  ancient  families  that  had  beea 
robbed  of  their  hereditary  estates  in  former  reigns. 
O'Neill,  the  son  of  the  deceased  Earl  of  Tyrone,  who 
held  an  important  command  in  the  service  of  Spain, 


238  HISTORY  OF  IRELAND. 

and  Roger  Moore,  a  descendant  of  the  old  lords  of 
Leix,  appear  to  have  been,  if  not  the  contrivers  of 
the  conspiracy,  at  least  the  principal  agents  in  bring- 
ing it  to  maturity.  Moore  was  the  darling  of  his 
countrymen.  He  united  the  generous  and  liberal 
disposition  of  the  ancient  chieftain  to  the  high  and 
lofty  principles  of  chivalry,  which  had  not  yet  been 
totally  extinguished  in  southern  Europe.  Ardent, 
enthusiastic,  and  daring,  he  resembled  a  hero  of  ro- 
mance rather  than  the  leader  of  an  insurrection;  but 
these  shining  qualities  were  at  that  crisis  less  valua- 
ble than  political  wisdom ;  and  of  this  Moore  pos- 
sessed a  very  small  share.  The  multitude  were  so 
taken  with  the  brilliant  accomplishments  of  their 
favourite,  that  it  was  a  common  expression  among 
them,  "  God  and  our  Lady  be  our  help,  and  Roger 
Moore."  The  plan  of  revolt  was  sanctioned  by  Car- 
dinal Richelieu,  and  by  several  Catholic  potentates, 
principally  through  the  influence  of  young  O'Neill; 
and  the  death  of  that  able  young  man  by  assassina- 
tion was  the  principal  cause  of  the  irregularity  which 
soon  appeared  in  the  councils  of  the  other  conspir- 
ators. 

In  fact,  the  whole  of  the  plan  was  made  known  to 
the  lords-justices  from  a  very  early  period.  They 
were  warned  from  England  that  numbers  of  Irish 
officers  had  quitted  the  continental  armies  to  return 
home;  that  ecclesiastical  emissaries  were  flocking 
to  Ireland  ;  and,  at  the  same  time,  information  was 
brought  that  suspicious  assemblages  were  frequently 
held  at  the  houses  of  the  Catholic  lords.  But  Par- 
sons looked  forward  to  a  rebellion  as  his  harvest. 
He  had  already  gained  a  large  fortune  by  trading  in 
confiscations ;  and  he  trusted  that  a  new  insurrection 
would  place  at  his  disposal  more  estates  than  even 
Straffbrd  had  ventured  to  contemplate.  In  fact,  as 
Sir  Wiiliam  Petty  judiciously  observes,  there  was 
now  a  greaf  game  to  be  played  for  the  estates  of  the 
Irish  oroprietors.  He  adds,  "  But  upon  so  great 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  239 

odds  the  English  won,  and  have,  among  and  besides 
other  pretences,  a  gamester's  right  at  least  to  their 
estates  ;  but  as  for  the  bloodshed  in  the  contest,  God 
alone  knows  who  did  occasion  it." 

On  the  22d  of  October,  1641,  at  a  late  hour  in  the 
evening,  Parsons  received  information  from  a  gen- 
tleman named  Owen  Conolly,  that  a  conspiracy  had 
been  formed  for  seizing  the  castle  of  Dublin,  and  all 
the  strong  places  in  the  kingdom,  on  the  next  day. 
He  said  that  he  had  been  invited  to  join  in  the  plot 
by  MacMahon,  a  grandson  of  the  great  Earl  of  Ty- 
rone ;  and  that  he  had  with  difficulty  made  his  escape 
from  that  gentleman's  house  to  convey  the  informa- 
tion to  government.  Parsons  paid  very  little  atten- 
tion to  the  detail.  He  desired  Conolly  to  return  to 
MacMahon  and  endeavour  to  learn  further  particu- 
lars. Borlase,  on  hearing  the  account,  was  more 
alarmed  than  his  colleague.  He  immediately  directed 
the  council  to  be  summoned, and  instant  search  to  be 
made  for  Conolly,  who  was  found  wandering  in  the 
streets.  The  delay  and  indecision  of  the  justices 
gave  the  principal  leaders  time  to  escape  ;  but  Mac- 
Mahon and  Lord  MacGuire  were  taken,  and  being 
examined  before  the  privy  council,  fully  confirmed 
all  Conolly's  statements. 

The  war  commenced  in  the  north.  The  peasantry 
that  had  been  so  cruelly  driven  from  their  lands 
rushed  down  from  their  mountains,  and  swept  over 
the  English  plantations.  There  was  little  or  no  re- 
sistance made.  The  astonished  settlers  fied  every 
where  before  the  original  proprietors  ;  and  the  roads 
'eading  to  Dublin  were  filled  with  miserable  crowds, 
driven  from  the  lands  which  they  had  so  long  culti- 
vated. At  first  the  Irish  were  contented  with  merely 
expelling  the  intruders ;  but  a  mob  soon  adds  cruelty 
to  violence,  and  in  several  instances  the  English 
were  injured,  and  even  murdered.  Sir  Phelim 
O'Neill,  who  headed  the  insurrection  in  UL  ter,  was  e 
man  of  mean  canacitv.  unimproved  by  education 


240  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

He  could  not,  even  if  he  was  inclined,  restrain  tht 
excesses  of  his  followers;  but  he  seems  not  to  have 
mads  an  effort.  The  English  and  Scotch  settlers 
retorted  these  outrages  ;  and  whenever  they  had  an 
opportunity  massacred  the  Irish  without  mercy,  of 
distinction  of  sex  or  age.  These  cruelties,  however, 
have  keen  scandalously  exaggerated  by  the  writers 
on  bot'i  sides.  After  a  very  careful  examination  of 
all  the  statements,  the  present  writer  believes  that 
the  number  of  persons  killed  by  the  insurgents  was 
less  than  five  thousand ;  and  that  about  an  equal 
number  was  slain  by  their  opponents.  The  great 
majority  of  the  Irish  gentry  invariably  made  every 
exertion  to  restrain  the  ferocity  of  their  followers ; 
but  the  officers  of  the  government,  both  by  precept 
and  example,  recommended  cruelty  and  extermi- 
i  ation. 

In  the  county  of  Cavan  little  or  no  blood  was 
shed.  This  was  partly  owing  to  the  exertions  of 
Philip  O'Reilly,  the  head  of  his  illustrious  family ; 
and  partly  to  the  respect  which  the  Irish  had  for  the 
character  of  Bedell,  Bishop  of  Kilmore.  Bedell  was 
one  of  the  very  few  prelates  of  the  established  church 
who  regarded  the  people  as  the  principal  objects  of 
his  charge.  He  was  deeply  impressed  with  the 
necessity  of  winning  the  affections  of  his  flock,  and 
anxious  to  redeem  the  establishment  from  the  op- 
probrium of  being  a  church  without  a  congregation. 
For  this  purpose  he  procured  a  translation  of  the 
Bible  into  Irish,  and  circulated  copies  at  his  own  ex- 
pense. The  apostolical  simplicity  of  his  character, 
his  affectionate  manners,  and  his  pure  zeal  attached 
to  him  the  hearts  of  the  lower  ranks  ;  and  even  the 
Romish  clergy  regarded  him  with  esteem  and  admi- 
ration. His  house  was  the  place  of  refuge  for  all 
the  English  who  had  been  driven  from  lands  in  the 
neighbourhood,  and  there  they  long  continued  un 
molested,  protected  bv  the  general  respect  felt  foi 
I  he  bishop.  He  was  subsequently  removed  to  th« 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  24* 

quarters  of  the  army  ;  but  continued  to  be  treated  as 
a  companion,  rather  than  a  prisoner.  So  convinced 
was  this  pious  man  of  the  justice  of  the  Irish  cause, 
that  he  drew  up  the  remonstrance  which  they  trans- 
mitted to  the  Castle,  in  justification  of  their  having 
taken  up  arms.  During  his  illness  he  was  attended 
with  the  greatest  care,  and  his  dying  moments  were 
soothed  by  every  attention  which  ardent  attachment 
could  dictate.  He  was  interred  with  military  hon- 
ours by  the  Irish  soldiers,  who  had  no  better  way 
of  showing  respect  to  his  remains ;  and  when  the 
grave  closed  over  him,  all  joined  in  the  simple  prayer, 
"  Requiescat  in  pace,  ultimus  Anglorum  !" 

So  far  were  the  Irish  leaders  from  aiming  at  estab- 
lishing the  independence  of  their  country,  that  Sir 
Phelim  O'Neill  actually  pretended  that  he  was  in 
arms  for  the  king,  and  produced  a  forged  commission 
as  his  authority.  The  character  of  the  unhappy 
Charles  is,  unfoitunately,  too  notorious  for  treach 
ery  and  duplicity  to  render  it  wholly  incredible  that 
he  would  have  countenanced  the  insurgents.  But 
the  dying  declaration  of  O'Neill  exonerates  him  in 
this  instance,  since  that  chieftain  might  have  saved 
his  life  if  he  had  consented  to  confirm  this  calumny 
against  his  sovereign. 

The  lords-justices,  in  the  mean  time,  took  proper 
precautions  to  ensure  their  personal  safety,  and  then 
directed  their  attention,  not  to  the  suppression  of  the 
insurrection,  but  to  the  discovery  of  the  means  by 
which  they  could  prolong  the  struggle,  and  derive 
advantages  from  its  continuance.  Their  great  object 
was,  by  some  means,  to  bring  in  the  Catholic  lords 
of  the  Pale  as  participators ;  for  their  great  estates 
had  remained  untouched  in  former  struggles,  and 
were,  from  their  vicinity  to  the  capital,  particularly 
desirable  to  the  creatures  of  government.  The 
lords-justices  issued  a  proclamation,  declaring  that 
the  Irish  papists  had  formed  a  dangerous  conspiracy 
aerainst  the  state.  The  lords  of  the  Pale  were  justly 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

alarmed  at  the  sweeping1  generality  of  the  phrase 
"  Irish  papists  ;"  they  remonstrated,  and  the  justices 
were  obliged  to  publish  a  second  proclamation,  ex- 
onerating the  Catholic  lords  of  English  descent.  At 
the  same  time,  they  transmitted  to  the  king,  who 
-vas  then  in  Scotland,  and  to  the  English  parliament, 
an  account  of  the  dangerous  insurrection  which  had 
taken  place.  It  is  remarkable,  that  neither  in  their 
proclamations,  nor  in  the  despatches  sent  over  to  th« 
king  and  parliament,  do  the  lords-justices  say  one 
word  about  the  horrible  massacres  which  subsequent 
authors  have  detailed ;  a  clear  proof  that  none  such 
had  taken  place.  Yet  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  in  his 
address  to  the  British  House  of  Commons,  unhesi- 
tatingly asserted  that  the  object  of  the  Irish  was  the 
general  massacre  of  the  Protestants  !  The  historian 
Warner  deems  this  unwarrantable  assertion  of  the 
earl  quite  unaccountable.  But  it  was  manifestly  in- 
tended to  increase  the  hatred  of  popery,  which  the 
parliament  had  already  found  to  be  a  formidable  in- 
strument for  extending  their  influence,  and  diminish- 
ing that  of  the  king. 

Charles  at  once  saw  the  dangers  to  which  he  was 
<  xposed  by  the  Irish  insurrection,  in  causing  which 
his  own  perfidious  conduct  respecting  the  Graces 
had  so  large  a  share.  He  felt  convinced  that  the 
Irish  wen;  more  "sinned  against  than  sinning." 
But  the  time  when  he  could  have  done  justice  was 
passed;  avarice  and  prejudice  both  stimulated  the 
parliament  of  England  and  ScolLuid  to  seize  on 
Irish  property,  and  destroy  Irish  popery.  The  king 
was  forced  to  go  with  the  current,  and  to  issue  a 
proclamation  denouncing  the  Irish  insurgents  as 
rebels. 

The  men  of  property  in  Ulster  were  anxious  to 
avoid  the  hazards  of  war,  and  were  also  shocked  at 
the  cruelties  which  began  to  be  committed  by  infu 
riate  leaders  on  both  sides.     They  made  offers  to 
the  government  of  accommodation,  on  terms  re 


HISTORY   OF   IRELAND  243 

tnarkable  for  moderation  and  equity.  The  O'Fer- 
ralls  of  Longford,  who  had  suffered  severely  at  the 
time  of  the  Ulster  plantation,  though  their  sept  had 
been  conspicuous  for  loyalty,  after  having-,  without 
violence,  seized  the  forts  and  castles  in  their  county, 
sent  a  remonstrance  to  be  presented  to  the  king  and 
his  ministers  by  Lord  Dillon.  Their  petition  begins 
with  setting  forth  an  oath  of  allegiance  which  they 
had  taken,  and  which  they  profess  themselves  will- 
ing to  seal  with  their  blood.  They  complain  of  the 
persecution  of  their  religion,  the  insecurity  of  their 
property  by  the  delay  of  the  Graces,  and  their  being 
treated  as  aliens  in  their  native  land.  They  petition 
for  a  general  amnesty  for  all  offences  except  murder  •, 
fora  repeal  of  the  penal  laws;  and  for  a  general 
charter  of  freedom  to  all  Irish  subjects. 

There  were  many,  both  in  England  and  Ireland, 
anxious  to  restore  tranquillity  on  these  conditions ; 
and  the  king's  friends  especially,  foreseeing  the 
struggle  impending  between  him  and  his  parliament, 
were  eager  to  terminate  transactions  which  in  every 
way  threatened  his  ruin.  The  English  parliament 
had  at  once  undertaken  the  management  of  the  Ijish 
war ;  and,  with  a  complete  disregard  of  the  royal 
prerogative,  had  begun  to  levy  an  army,  and  to  pro- 
vide munitions  of  war.  The  leaders  of  the  popular 
party  in  the  long  parliament  were  the  great  founders 
of  liberty  in  Europe.  Their  names  will  be  honoured 
by  remote  posterity  for  their  noble  resistance  to  ar- 
bitrary governnien*.  It  is  therefore  with  feelings 
of  deep  regret  we  feel  ourselves  compelled  to  re- 
cord the  duplicity  with  which  they  acted  upon  this 
memorable  occasion.  While  they  affected  the  most 
ardent  zeal  for  the  cause  of  the  Irish  Protestants, 
and  sent  them  the  most  magnificent  promises  of  as- 
sistance, they  kept  the  supplies  which  they  had  col- 
lected, and  the  army  which  they  had  assembled,  fu 
overawe  their  sovereign  in  England.  It  was  then, 
and  long  after,  the  fashion  to  look  upon  the  Irish 


244  HISTORY    OF   IRELAND. 

with  contempt.  It  was  supposed  that  an  Irish  insur- 
rection could  he  suppressed  at  any  time  by  a  vigor 
ous  effort.  While,  therefore,  the  English  parliament 
promised  speedy  exertion,  the  leaders  were  deter- 
mined to  secure  England  first,  and  leave  Ireland  fa 
a  more  convenient  season. 

The  conduct  of  the  lords-justices  fully  proved 
the  justice  of  the  suspicions  with  which  they  wen; 
viewed  by  the  Irish  lords.  So  far  from  exerting 
themselves  to  check  the  progress  of  revolt,  they 
used  all  their  influence  to  discourage  the  efforts  of 
others.  The  Earl  of  Ormond  and  some  other  lords 
offered  to  join  the  forces  of  government  with  their 
adherents,  and,  inarching  directly  against  the  insur- 
gents, crush  their  undisciplined  forces ;  but  these 
offers  were  peremptorily  rejected.  Their  military 
operations  were  confined  to  sending  out  Sir  Charles 
Coote,  a  monster  of  cruelty,  to  lay  waste  the  coun- 
try; and  he,  with  little  scrur.>,  massacred  indis- 
criminately the  loyal  and  the  disaffected, — a  system 
which,  as  had  probably  been  foreseen,  rendered  the 
spirit  of  revolt  more  general  and  more  inveterate. 
The  designs  of  Parsons  were  more  signally  dis- 
played in  another  instance.  Both  the  king  and  the 
British  parliament  had  directed  that  a  proclamation 
should  be  issued,  offering  pardon  to  all  who  woul<; 
return  to  their  allegiance.  After  a  long  delay,  th< 
lords-justices  did  indeed  issue  such  a  proclamation, 
but  clogged  with  so  many  exceptions  that  it  was 
wholly  nugatory.  It  WHS  limited  to  four  counties, 
in  two  of  which  there  had  not  been  even  the  slight- 
est symptom  of  revolt ;  and  in  the  others  all  were 
excepted  who  had  shed  blood  in  any  action,  who 
were  imprisoned  for  spoil  or  robbery,  or  who  pos- 
sessed freehold  property.  Finally,  the  time  for  re- 
ceiving submissions  was  limited  to  ten  days;  and  it 
was  declared  that  Itin  amnesty  would  he  invalid  un- 
less a  complete  restitution  of  property  was  effected 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  245 

within  that  period, — a  condition  which  manifestly 
could  not  be  fulfilled. 

The  hopes  of  the  nation  were  now  fixed  on  the 
meeting  of  parliament,  which  had  been  adjourned 
Jo  November ;  but  Parsons,  dreading  that  this  as- 
sembly would  be  disposed  to  offer  terms  of  pacifica- 
tion, adjourned  the  meeting  to  the  24th  of  February. 
The  true  friends  of  the  king  and  the  country  were 
opposed  to  this  strange  proceeding ;  but  all  argu- 
ments of  justice  and  policy  were  disregarded  by 
their  governors.  The  arguments  of  the  lawyers, 
however,  produced  a  better  effect.  They  averred 
that  such  a  prorogation  would  be  tantamount  to  a 
dissolution ;  and  their  opinions  being  supported  by 
the  judges,  Parsons  and  Borlase  were  with  difficulty 
persuaded  to  allow  parliament  to  meet  for  one  day. 

The  session  lasted  two  days,  during  which  a  pro- 
testation against  those  who  had  taken  arms  was 
passed ;  but  not  without  considerable  opposition. 
A  large  minority  refused  to  stigmatize  the  insur- 
gents as  rebels,  preferring  the  milder  and  more  ap- 
propriate phrase  discontented  gentlemen ;  but  the  in- 
fluence of  the  government  secured  the  insertion  of 
the  harsher  epithet.  The  justices,  however,  were 
unable  to  prevent  the  appointment  of  a  committee 
of  both  houses  to  confer  with  the  leaders  of  the  in- 
surgents, and  to  lay  their  complaints  and  grievances 
before  the  king  and  council.  Alarmed  at  this  ap- 
pearance of  concession,  the  justices,  in  spite  of 
every  remonstrance,  prorogued  the  parliament. 

The  king's  friends  and  the  moderate  party  did  not 
yet  despair ;  they  made  two  efforts  to  avert  the 
horrors  of  a  general  war,  and  in  both  were  unfortu- 
nately unsuccessful.  The  deputation  sent  to  the 
leaders  of  the  insurgents  was  received  with  every 
demonstration  of  respect;  but  when  they  produced 
the  order  of  the  two  houses,  in  which  these  gentle- 
men were  stigmatized  as  traitors,  Roger  Moore 
seized  the  insulting  document,  and,  tearing-  it  in 


846  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

pieces,  haughtily  declined  any  further  conference. 
In  the  mean  time,  a  great  number  of  members  of 
the  Irish  parliament  met  privately  in  Dublin,  and 
deputed  two  of  their  number,  Lord  Dillon  and  Lord 
Taafe,  to  go  over  to  England  and  represent  to  the 
king  the  real  condition  of  the  country,  the  conduct 
of  the  lords-justices,  and  the  beneficial  conse- 
quences that  would  result  from  transferring  their 
power  to  the  Earl  of  Ormoud,  or  any  other  noble- 
man of  approved  loyalty  and  integrity.  This  salu- 
tary measure  was  also  defeated  by  the  contrivance 
of  Parsons.  He  sent  a  private  message  to  the 
leaders  of  the  English  House  of  Commons,  desiring 
that  no  attention  should  be  paid  to  the  representa- 
tions of  Lord  Dillon,  declaring  that  his  schemes 
would  prevent  the  perfect  establishment  of  English 
ascendency  in  Ireland.  This  was  decisive ;  Lords 
Dillon  and  Taafe,  having  been  delayed  by  a  storm 
which  drove  them  on  the  coast  of  Scotland,  did  not 
arrive  until  measures  had  been  taken  to  destroy  all 
chance  of  their  success.  They  were  arrested  near 
London  by  order  of  the  House  of  Commons,  and 
detained  in  prison,  from  whence  they  were  not 
liberated  until  all  negotiation  was  fruitless. 

From  October  until  the  middle  of  December  the 
insurrection  had  been  confined  to  Ulster,  a  small 
part  of  Leinster,  and  one  county  in  Connaught 
The  Catholic  lords  of  the  Pale,  preserving  theii 
ancient  jealousy  of  the  native  Irish,  persevered  in 
their  allegiance,  and  offered  their  assistance  to  gov- 
ernment. Some  had  even  distinguished  themselves 
against  the  northerns  in  the  field,  especially  Sir 
Robert  Talbot,  whose  castle  was  destroyed  in 
revenge  by  the  insurgents.  The  lords-justices, 
deeming  the  aid  of  these  Catholic  lords  necessary  to 
their  own  security,  had,  in  the  first  instance,  supplied 
them  with  arms  to  defend  themselves  against  the 
northern  Irish  ;  but  being  now  encouraged  by  prom- 
ises of  large  armaments  from  England,  they  recalled 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  247 

the  arms  which  they  had  granted,  and  issued  a 
proclamation  ordering  those  who  had  fled  to  Dublin 
for  protection  to  quit  the  city  within  twenty-four 
hours  under  pain  of  death.  Exposed  thus  to  the 
vengeance  of  the  insurgents  on  one  hand,  and  to  the 
persecution  of  the  government  on  the  other,  these 
devoted  men  long  struggled  to  preserve  their  loyalty ; 
but  at  length  they  received  certain  intelligence  that 
the  English  parliament  and  Irish  government  had 
determined  on  their  ruin,  and  that  their  only  hope 
of  safety  was  in  arms.  In  fact,  on  the  8th  of  De- 
cember, 1641,  it  was  resolved,  on  solemn  debate  by 
both  houses  of  parliament  in  England,  "  that  they 
would  not  consent  to  the  toleration  of  popery  in 
Ireland,  or  any  of  his  majesty's  dominions ;"  a  reso- 
lution which  was  virtually  a  declaration  of  a  war 
of  extermination  against  seven-eighths  of  the  landed 
proprietors  in  Ireland,  and  almost  the  entire  of  the 
lower  orders.  Under  these  circumstances,  Lord 
Gormanstown  and  several  others  proposed  a  con- 
ference with  Moore ;  and  the  war  which  had  been 
hitherto  confined  to  the  northern  province  became 
general  through  the  entire  country. 

Before  entering  on  the  history  of  the  new  war,  it 
may  be  permitted  us  to  take  a  brief  retrospect,  es- 
pecially as  the  incident!1?  of  the  two  months  which 
we  have  been  contemplating  have  been  so  often  and 
so  foully  misrepresented.  The  Irish  massacre  in 
1641  has  been  a  phrase  so  often  repeated,  even  in 
books  of  education,  that  one  can  scarcely  conceal 
his  surprise  when  he  learns  that  the  tale  is  as  apoc- 
ryphal as  the  wildest  fiction  of  romance.  No  men- 
tion is  made  of  these  extensive  murders  in  any  of 
the  proclamations  issued  by  the  lords-justices, 
even  so  late  as  the  23d  of  December ;  and  truly  the 
character  of  Parsons  does  not  induce  us  to  believe 
that  he  would  have  suppressed  any  thing  likely  to 
make  his  adversaries  odious.  The  protestation  of 
the  Irish  parliament  is  equally  silent  on  the  subject 


CIS  HISTORY    OF    IRKLAN0. 

nor  does  any  state  paper  of  the  local  government 
afford  the  slightest  ground  lor  the  charge.  Stories 
of  massacre  and  horrid  cruelty  were  indeed  stu- 
diously circulated  in  England,  because  it  was  the 
interest  of  the  patriot  party  in  parliament  to  propa 
gate  such  delusions.  They  increased  the  popular 
hatred  of  popery,  and  rendered  the  king's  suspected 
attachment  to  that  religion  more  generally  odious ; 
and  they  afforded  a  pretence  for  assembling  an 
army,  on  whose  officers  and  soldiers  the  parliament 
could  rely.  When,  at  a  later  period,  it  became  ne- 
cessary to  excuse  the  monstrous  iniquity  of  the  act 
of  settlement,  advantage  was  taken  of  the  general 
belief  in  this  unfounded  calumny  to  justify  an  in- 
stance of  royal  ingratitude  and  shameless  injustice 
not  to  be  paralleled  even  in  the  dark  annals  of  the 
Stuarts. 

The  accounts  published  by  the  Catholics  on  the 
Continent  are  full  of  misrepresentations  almost 
equally  glaring.  If  one  side  avers  that  there  was  a 
conspiracy  for  the  universal  slaughter  of  the  Protest- 
ants, the  other,  with  similar  falsehood,  accuses  the 
professors  of  the  reformed  religion  of  designing  the 
extermination  of  the  papists.  If  one  exaggerates 
the  murders  and  cruelties  perpetrated  by  O'Neill  and 
his  savage  mob,  the  other  adds  to  the  excesses  com- 
mitted by  the  Scotch  in  the  island  of  Magee,  and  by 
Coote  at"  Santry  and  Clontarf,  in  the  same  propor- 
tion. There  were  doubtless  many  disgraceful  atro- 
cities on  both  sides ;  but  are  they  not  inseparable 
from  civ;i  war?  These  crimes  were  owing  to  the 
wickedness  of  particular  men.  "We  wish  neither  to 
palliate  nor  disguise  them ;  but  they  were  disap- 
proved of  by  the  leaders  on  both  sides  ;  and  it  is  but 
fair  to  add  that  all  atrocities  were  not  only  discour- 
aged, but  punished  by  the  Catholic  nobility  and  gen- 
try. It  is  equally  wicked  and  foolish  to  make  these 
sad  events  the  subject  of  cha/ge  against  sects  and 
parties  at  the  present  day.  This  '."as  a  war  for 


HISTORY    OF   IRELAND.  249 

property,  rather  tnan  religion  The  northern  Irish 
wished  to  recover  their  estates ;  Parsons  and  his 
supporters  desired  to  enrich  themselves  by  new  con- 
fiscations. Both  employed  the  sacred  name  of  the 
Deity  to  cover  their  real  designs ;  but  assuredly  re- 
ligious principle  of  any  kind  had  little  influence  on 
either.  The  present  generation  is  not  answerabl  > 
for  the  crimes  and  follies  of  those  which  have  pre 
ceded.  The  errors  of  our  ancestors  are  recorded  for 
our  instruction,  that  they  should  be  avoided  and  not 
imitated.  But  though  religious  animosity  was  not 
the  first,  nor  even  the  principal  cause  of  the  calami- 
ities  during  this  disastrous  period,  it  materially 
strengthened  and  continued  the  evil.  The  hatred  of 
popery  on  the  one  hand,  and  of  heresy  on  the  other, 
led  men  even  of  the  purest  minds  to  excuse  and  pal- 
liate crimes  from  the  contemplation  of  which  they 
would,  under  other  circumstances,  have  shrunk  with 
horror.  It  would  be  a  desirable  consummation,  if 
the  view  of  the  evils  attendant  on  discord  would  lead 
to  the  more  zealous  cultivation  of  Christian  charity, 
not  only  the  most  sublime  of  virtues,  but  that  which 
contributes  most  to  the  peace,  the  harmony,  and 
consequently  the  happiness  and  prosperity  of  a 
nation. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

The  War  nfthe  Confederates. 

THE  Catholic  lords  of  the  Pale,  driven  to  revolt 
by  compulsion  which  could  not  be  resisted,  pro 
ceeded  with  the  deliberate  caution  of  men  well  aware 
of  the  danger  they  were  about  to  encounter,  and  of 
the  hazardous  game  they  had  to  play.  They  held  a 
conference  with  Roger  Moore  and  other  Irish  leaders 

I— T 


250  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

at  the  hill  of  Crofly,  and  demanded  of  the  chief 
tain  for  what  purpose  he  had  taken  arms  ?  Moore 
replied,  "To  maintain  the  royal  prerogative,  and 
make  the  subjects  of  Ireland  as  free  as  those  of  Eng- 
land." Lord  Gormanstown,  on  the  part  of  his  asso- 
ciates, asked  if  Moore  had  any  further  design  1  He 
solemnly  answered  in  the  negative.  The  lords  of 
the  Pale  then  promised  to  assist  him  with  all  their 
might,  and,  having  agreed  on  a  second  meeting  at 
the  hill  of  Tarah,  separated  to  raise  their  respective 
friends.  The  lords-justices,  not  having  yet  received 
the  expected  supplies  from  England,  were  alarmed  at 
the  success  of  their  own  machinations.  They  sent 
letters  to  the  lords  of  the  Pale,  requiring  them  to 
com**  $ p  with  all  speed  to  Dublin,  assuring  them  that 
they  were  wanting  to  confer  on  the  state  of  the  na- 
tion, and,  as  was  added,  with  a  manifest  conscious- 
ness of  being  suspected,  for  no  other  end.  Even  if 
these  lords  could  repose  any  confidence  in  the  sin- 
cerity of  Parsons  and  his  colleague,  they  had  now 
gone  too  far  to  retreat.  They  excused  themselves, 
by  referring  to  the  sanguinary  speeches  of  Coote  at 
the  council-board,  and  to  his  indiscriminate  massa 
cres  in  his  several  exclusions,  declaring  that  they 
would  not  peril  their  lives  by  coining  within  the 
sphere  of  his  influence. 

They  next  prepared  an  address  to  the  king,  drawn 
up  in  a  moderate  and  submissive  tone.  They  com- 
plained of  the  injurious  treatment  which  they  had 
received  from  the  lords-justices,  whom  they  justly 
denominated  enemies  to  the  king  as  well  as  them- 
selves. They  declared  their  intention  to  support  the 
royal  prerogative  as  well  as  th^ir  own  rights,  and 
their  readiness  to  confer  with  such  commissioners  as 
the  government  should  appoint,  on  the  means  for  the 
advancement  of  his  majesty's  service,  and  the  resto- 
ration of  tranquillity  to  the  kingdom,  in  any  place 
where  they  could  be  protected  from  the  malice  of 
j'lieir  deadly  enemies.  A  manifesto,  worded  in  the 


BISTORT    OF    IRELAND.  251 

same  spirit  of  loyalty  and  moderation,  was  exten- 
sively circulated  through  the  kingdom.  Finally,  they 
wrote  a  letter  to  the  queen,  soliciting  her  interference 
with  his  majesty,  and  despatched  it,  together  with  a 
copy  of  their  address,  by  Sir  John  Reid,  who  held  a 
situation  in  the  royal  household. 

The  proclamation  of  the  confederates  produced  a 
powerful  effect.  The  lords  of  the  Pale  who  had 
not  joined  in  the  conference  at  Tarah  were  induced 
now  to  join  the  alliance.  Every  county  in  Leinster 
was  soon  at  the  disposal  of  the  insurgents ;  and  the 
authority  of  the  lords-justices  was  confined  to  the 
city  of  Dublin  and  the  town  of  Drogheda,  which  lat- 
ter was  closely  besieged.  In  Connaught,  the  county 
of  Galway  was  preserved  in  its  fidelity  by  the  ex- 
ertions and  influence  of  Lord  Clanricarde,  a  Catholic 
nobleman  remarkable  for  his  devoted  and  chivalrous 
loyalty.  In  Munster,  the  Irish  leaders  found  a  pow- 
erful assistant  in  Sir  Warhani  St.  Leger,  the  presi- 
dent of  that  province,  whose  cruelties  rivalled,  if  they 
did  not  exceed,  those  of  Coote.  Having  heard  ol  a 
robbery  committed  on  the  lands  of  his  brother-in-law, 
in  the  county  of  Tipperary,  St.  Leger  marched  into 
the  country,  put  to  death  several  innocent  individu- 
als, burned  their  houses,  and  encouraged  his  soldiers 
in  the  commission  of  indiscriminate  outrage.  The 
gentry  of  the  country  remonstrated  against  these  ex- 
cesses ;  but  he  dismissed  them  with  studied  insult, 
and  even  threats  of  violence.  There  have  not  been 
wanting  advocates  who  attempt  to  palliate  the  crim- 
inal fury  of  St.  Leger,  though  they  are  reduced  to 
plead  an  excuse  absolutely  ridiculous.  They  say 
that  he  merely  retaliated  the  outrages  of  the  insur- 
gents in  Ulster !  They  might  just  as  well  assert  that 
the  people  of  Wales  should  have  been  subjected  to 
military  execution  for  a  rebellion  in  the  north  of 
Scotland. 

The  nobility  of  Munster,  alarmed  at  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  president,  applied  to  the  lords-justices 


£52  HISTORY    OF   IRELAND. 

in  Dublin  for  permission  to  take  proper  measures  for 
securing  the  public  tranquillity.  Lord  Muskerry  of- 
fared  to  raise  a  thousand  men  in  support  of  the  gov- 
ernment at  his  own  expense,  and  to  mortgage  his 
estate  in  order  to  supply  them  with  arms.  A  similar 
tender  of  service  was  made  by  Lord  Mountgarret ; 
but  both  received  a  peremptory  refusal.  They 
waited  until  the  middle  of  December  before  they 
could  bring  themselves  to  take  any  decided  course  ; 
but  having  then  every  reason  to  believe  that  arms 
were  necessary  for  their  preservation,  they  de- 
termi"  'A  to  join  the  confederates.  The  first  pro- 
cee/  ngs  of  the  Munster  lords  were  characterized 
by  -great  promptitude  and  forbearance.  Richard 
Bi  ler  of  Kilcash  seized  Clonmel,  Carrick,  and  Dun- 
gi  van,  without  meeting  any  resistance.  Martin 
H  -cket,  the  sovereign  of  the  town,  admitted  Butler 
o-  Ardmayle  into  Fethard  ;  and  Cashel  was  taken  by 
GJDwyer  of  Dundrum.  The  entire  of  the  county  of 
Kilkenny  was  easily  secured  by  Lord  Mountgarret, 
and  the  western  part  of  the  county  of  Cork  as 
quietly  mastered  by  Lord  Roche.  The  Earl  of  Tho- 
mond  was  averse  to  the  cause  of  the  confederates ; 
but  his  followers  and  relatives  set  his  authority  at 
defiance,  and  added  the  county  of  Clare  to  the  pa- 
triotic association.  In  all  these  transactions,  the 
lives  and  properties  of  the  English  Protestants  were 
carefully  protected  by  the  Catholic  nobility.  The 
only  place  where  any  murders  were  committed  was 
Cashel ;  in  that  town,  twelve  or  thirteen  persons 
were  killed  hy  the  relations  of  those  whom  St.  Leger 
had  recently  slaughtered.  The  exertions  of  the 
Catholic  clergy*  saved  the  rest ;  and  by  their  influ- 
ence, the  English  were  sent  under  an  escort  to  Cork. 


*  The  names  of  the  persons  who  thus  generously  interfered  were 
James  Saul,  a  Jesuit,  and  Joseph  Kvcrard  and  Redmond,  English  Fran- 
ciscan (riars.  Their  meritorious  interposition  was  proved  at  an  assize* 
held  in  Clonmol,  A.  I).  Ifi52,  and  was  rewarded  by  their  receiving  pro 
lections  troni  the  Croiawullian  government. 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  ££3 

Lord  Dunboyne  sent  the  prisoners  taken  at  Fethnn'l 
to  Youghall.  Sir  R.  Everard  and  Lord  Muskerry 
gave  an  asylum  in  their  houses  to  all  the  distressed 
English  who  sought  their  protection ;  and  Lord 
Mountgarret  shot  Richard  Cantwell,  a  man  of  great 
influence,  being  the  brother  of  the  superior  of  Holy- 
cross,  for  daring  to  plunder  some  of  his  prisoners. 
All  Munster  would  have  been  reduced  with  the  great- 
est facility,  but  for  the  unreasonable  pride  of  Lord 
Roche,  who  insisted  on  being  appointed  commander- 
in-chief  in  his  own  county,  and  refused  obedience  to 
Lord  Mountgarret,  whom  the  Minister  confederates 
had  appointed  as  their  leader. 

The  lords-justices,  having  received  some  rein- 
forcements from  England,  were  now  encouraged  to 
pursue  openly  the  scheme  of  confiscation  which  they 
had  long  meditated.  Finding  the  number  of  prison- 
ers brought,  in  by  the  leaders  of  their  marauding 
parties  an  encumbrance,  they  issued  a  commission 
for  trying  them  by  martial  law,  under  the  pretence 
that  they  could  not  find  freeholders  to  form  juries. 
Men  possessing  estates  were  kept  for  a  more  regular 
trial,  in  order  to  preserve  the  king's  escheats  upon 
attainders;  and  so  diligent  were  the  retainers  of  gov- 
ernment in  hunting  for  forfeitures,  that  in  two  days 
bills  of  indictment  for  high-treason  were  found  against 
all  the  Catholic  nobility  and  gentry  in  the  counties 
of  Meath,  Wicklow,  and  Dublin,  and  three  hundred 
gentlemen  of  fortune  in  the  county  of  Kildare.  To 
implicate  the  king  in  the  alleged"  guilt  of  the  Irish 
revolt  was  a  favourite  object  with  the  leaders  of  the 
English  parliament ;  and  their  creature  Parsons  dili- 
gently exerted  himself  to  discover  some  plausible 
pretence  for  the  imputation.  Hugh  MacMahon,  who 
had  been  seized  on  the  information  of  Conolly,  Sir 
John  Reid,  who  had  voluntarily  come  to  the  quarters 
of  the  Earl  of  Ormond,  as  bearer  of  the  address  of 
the  confederates  to  the  king,  and  Patrick  Barnewall, 
an  old  and  respectable  gentleman,  who  had  attended 


254  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

the  meeting  on  the  hill  of  Crol'ty,  but  had  taken  no 
part  in  the  insurrection,  were  subjected  to  the  ex- 
cruciating  tortures  of  the  rack  ;  but  nothing  import- 
ant was  elicited.  Of  this  useless  cruelty  the  justices 
seem  to  have  been  ashamed,  since  they  permitted 
Barnewall  afterward  to  reside  peaceably  in  Dublin, 
and  protected  his  estates  from  the  general  havoc  of 
the  soldiery. 

The  mode  in  which  these  precious  governors 
chose  to  conduct  the  war,  may  be  best  learned  from 
their  instructions  to  the  Earl  of  Ormond,  the  com- 
mander-in-chief  of  the  royal  army.  He  was  di- 
rected, not  only  "  to  kill  and  destroy  rebels,  and  their 
adherents  and  relievers ;"  but  also  "  to  burn,  waste, 
consume,  and  demolish  all  the  places,  towns,  and 
houses  where  they  had  been  relieved  and  harboured, 
with  all  the  com  and  hay  there ;  and  also  to  kill 
and  destroy  all  the  male  inhabitants  capable  of  bear- 
ing arms !"  Nor  were  these  sanguinary  edicts  dis 
regarded.  Dr.  Borlase,  who  wrote  a  history  of 
these  transactions,  professedly  to  vindicate  the 
character  of  his  near  relative,  the  lord-justice,  boasts 
that  Sir  W.  Cole's  regiment  killed  two  thousand  five 
hundred  rebels  in  several  engagements ;  and  adds, 
with  horrid  complacency,  "  there  were  starved  and 
famished,  of  the  vulgar  sort,  whose  goods  were  seized 
on  by  this  regiment,  SEVEN  THOUSAND  !"  The  mas- 
sacres in  Ulster,  we  have  shown  by  the  report  of 
the  parliamentary  commissioners,  to  have  been 
grossly  exaggerated ;  but,  at  all  events,  they  were 
the  acts  of  a  mob,  and  were  not  only  discouraged, 
but  punished  by  the  Irish  leaders.  But  what  are 
we  to  say  of  this  mandate,  deliberately  issued  by 
the  chief  governors  of  a  country,  and  obeyed  by 
those  who  bore  the  honourable  name  of  British 
officers  1 

The  confederates,  after  their  first  vigorous  efforts, 
became  alarmed  at  the  consequences  of  their  own 
success.  They  were  afraid  of  their  allies,  the  old 


HISTORY    OP    IRELAND.  255 

Irish ;  and  feared  that  their  influence  would  be  de- 
stroyed by  the  preponderance  which  the  native  in- 
terest would  obtain.  Orinond  was  anxious  to  avail 
himself  of  this  indecision,  and  obtained  so  many 
advantages  over  the  insurgents,  in  several  engage- 
ments, that  the  war  would  have  been  speedily  ter- 
minated had  not  the  lord-justice  issued  the  most 
positive  prohibition  against  his  improving  the  ad- 
vantages he  had  acquired.  The  design  of  the  con- 
federates appears  to  have  been  simply  to  maintain 
such  a  warlike  attitude  as  would  ensure  them  safe 
and  equitable  conditions  of  peace.  They  hoped 
that  the  king  would  come  over  to  undertake  the 
management  of  the  war  in  person ;  and  they  trusted 
that  they  could  then  prove  their  innocency  of  re 
bellious  designs. 

The  unfortunate  Charles  was  fully  sensible  of  the 
injury  he  sustained  from  the  report  of  his  secret 
partiality  to  the  Irish  Catholics.  He  issued  proc- 
lamations denouncing  them  as  rebels  and  traitors ; 
he  even  expressed  his  anxiety  to  prove  his  sincerity 
by  leading  an  army  against  them  himself.  But  the 
king's  falsehood  and  duplicity  were  too  notorious 
for  either  party  to  credit  his  proclamations  or  pro- 
fessions. The  lords  of  the  Pale  were  persuaded  of 
his  secret  attachment  to  their  cause.  The  English 
House  of  Commons,  with  much  better  reason,  sus- 
pected that  the  expedition  to  Ireland  was  a  mere 
pretext  for  removing  to  a  place  where  he  would  be 
free  from  the  domination  of  parliament ;  and  refused 
their  consent  in  no  very  respectful  terms. 

Gormanstown,  the  leader  of  the  confederates  in 
Lemster,  seeing  the  last  hope  of  a  tranquil  settle- 
ment of  the  kingdom  thus  destroyed,  died  of  a 
broken  heart.  His  followers  and  friends  united 
themselves  to  Lord  Moimtgarret's  forces.  Mount- 
garret  led  his  army  into  the  county  of  Kildare, 
where  Ormond  was  employed  in  relieving  the  cas- 
tles blockaded  by  the  insurgents.  A  battle  was 


256  HISTORY    OP    IRELAND. 

fought  at  a  place  called  Kilrush,  in  which  the  dis- 
cipline of  the  royalists  enabled  them  to  triumph 
over  the  superior  number  of  their  opponents.  The 
confederates  were  totally  defeated  ;  but  Ormond, 
being  destitute  of  ammunition  and  provisions,  could 
not  follow  up  his  success. 

For  some  months  the  war  lingered  on  both  sides. 
The  confederates  were  disunited ;  they  were  unpre- 
pared for  war ;  and  they  had  no  leader  possessing 
military  talent.  The  royalists,  on  the  other  hand, 
were  in  a  wretched  condition  :  their  soldiers  were 
mutinous  for  want  of  pay ;  their  provisions  were 
exhausted;  and  the  supplies  they  received  from 
England  were  scanty  in  the  extreme.  Notwith- 
standing all  their  affected  zeal  for  the  relief  of  their 
Protestant  brethren  in  Ireland,  the  English  Com- 
mons made  no  exertions  adequate  to  the  crisis. 
They  sent  over,  indeed,  some  few  troops  of  fanatics, 
who  vented  their  vexation  for  the  miseries  they  en- 
dured, by  insulting  the  old  army  as  Irishmen  and 
rebels.  But,  in  another  respect,  they  showed  an 
attention  to  Irish  affairs  not  very  creditable  to  their 
character.  They  passed  an  act  for  the  sale  of  two 
millions  and  a  half  of  acres  belonging  to  those 
whom  they  were  pleased  to  designate  as  rebels ; 
and  they  introduced  several  clauses  by  which  the 
king  was  prevented  from  entering  into  any  terms 
of  accommodation  with  his  unfortunate  subjects. 
In  this  detestable  plan  of  reducing  a  nation  to  de- 
spair, the  lords-justices  eagerly  concurred.  They 
severely  censured  the  Earl  of  Clanricarde  for  hav- 
ing entered  into  terms  with  the  confederates  in  Gal- 
way;  and  strictly  commanded  all  their  officers  to 
grant  no  protections,  and  to  hold  no  correspondence 
with  Irish  or  papists.  These  measures  were  sanc- 
tioned by  an  Irish  parliament,  which  sat  for  three 
days  in  Dublin.  By  expelling  all  who  had  joined 
the  confederates,  and  excluding  all  who  refused  to 
take  the  oath  of  supremacy,  the  number  of  members 


rilSTORV    uf   ;iii.L.>M>.  ^5? 

was  so  reduced  that  the  creatures  of  government 
had  a  decided  majority.  The  only  business  done 
in  this  brief  session  was  the  enactment  of  new 
penal  laws,  the  denouncing  of  popery  in  unmeasured 
terms,  and  the  preparation  of  an  address  to  the 
English  parliament  for  new  and  more  severe  laws 
against  recusants.  Having  thus  performed  its  part 
in  exasperating  the  insurgents,  and  rendering  the 
restoration  of  tranquillity  hopeless,  the  parliament 
was  prorogued.  Like  their  masters  in  England,  the 
lords-justices  totally  neglected  the  war.  St.  Leger, 
in  Munster,  waj  so  mortified  by  the  vexations  which 
he  suffered  for  want  of  aid,  that  he  died  of  grief 
and  was  succeeded  by  Lord  Inchiquin.  The  con 
federates  were  unable  to  avail  themselves  of  tht 
misconduct  of  the  government,  and  were  so  dispirited 
by  repeated  reverses,  and  by  the  arrival  of  a  large 
body  of  troops  sent  to  the  north  by  the  Scottish 
parliament,  that  they  almost  resolved  to  give  up  the 
Contest,  and  become  voluntary  exiles. 

The  arrival  of  Owen  O'Neill,  who  had  acquired 
a  high  character  in  continental  warfare,  revived  the 
hopes  of  the  Irish.  He  was  a  leader  whose  noble 
qualities  would  have  done  honour  to  any  cause ;  a 
skilful  and  circumspect  soldier,  and  a  prudent  states- 
man. Cool,  cautious,  and  calculating,  he  was  cele- 
brated for  his  Fabian  policy  in  protracting  war. 
Mild,  generous,  and  humane,  he  was  respected  by 
his  enemies,  and  beloved  by  those  whom  he  pro- 
tected. On  assuming  the  command,  Ke  denounced 
in  the  strongest  terms,  the  excesses  which  his  kins- 
man Sir  Phelim  had  sanctioned,  and  declared,  that 
if  any  cruelties  were  again  perpetrated,  he  would 
quit  the  country.  About  the  same  time,  the  Ban 
of  Leven  arrived  with  reinforcements  to  the  Scotch 
in  Ulster;  but  though  his  army  was  sufficient  to 
crush  the  raw  levies  of  O'Neill,  the  earl  made  no 
warlike  effort.  Having  advanced  a  short  dis- 
tance into  Tyrone,  Leven  addressed  a  letter  to  the 
1.— U 


258  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

Irish   hero,   expressing  his   surprise   that  a   man 
of  his  reputation  would  have  quitted  his  dignities 
abroad,  to  maintain  so  bad  a  cause  as  that  of  the 
Irish.     O'Neill  replied,  that  he  f-ould  assign  better 
reasons  for  coming  to  the  relief  of  his  country,  than 
his  lordship  for  marching  into  England  against  his 
king.    Thus  terminated  the  correspondence.    Leven 
retired,  after  having  received  this  reply,  and  soon 
after  returned  to  Scotland,   assuring   Monroe,  to 
whom  he  resigned  the  command,  that  when  O'Neill 
had  collected  his  forces  he  would  give  him  a  very 
sound   drubbing.     This  strange  termination  of  an 
expedition  from  which  so  much  had  been  expected, 
greatly   encouraged    the    northern    Irish.      They 
hastened  with  alacrity  to  range  themselves  under 
the  banners  of  O'Neill ;  while  Monroe,  remember- 
ing Leven's  prophecy,  confined  himself  to  his  quar- 
ters ;  and  his  army,  neglected  by  the  parliament, 
had  to  struggle  against  the  miseries  of  nakedness 
and  famine. 

The  confederates  now  determined  to  organize  a 
civil  government ;  and,  in  this  necessary  work  the 
clergy,  being  already  a  constituted  body,  took  the 
lead.  A  provincial  synod  was  held  at  Armagh ; 
and  soon  after  a  general  assembly  from  all  the 
provinces  at  Kilkenny.  Their  acts  were  numerous 
and  solemn,  and  breathe  a  spirit  of  charity  and  mod- 
eration, powerfully  contrasted  with  the  sanguinary 
and  intolerant  declarations  issued  by  the  fanatics 
in  Dublin.  They  began  with  sanctioning  the  war 
which  had  been  undertaken  "  against  sectaries  and 
puritans  for  defence  of  the  Catholic  religion,  the 
prerogative  of  the  king,  the  honour  and  safety  of 
the  queen  and  royal  issue,  the  preservation  of  the 
rights  and  liberties  of  Irishmen,  and  the  lives  and 
fortunes  of  the  confederates,"  as  just  and  necessary. 
They  declare  that  no  order  of  the  king,  whom  they 
very  properly  regarded  as  an  unwilling  instrument 
in  the  hands  of  their  enemies,  should  be  obeyed 


HISTORY    OP    IRELAND.  259 

until  they  were  certified  by  their  own  agents  of  his 
real  intentions.  They  directed  that  an  oath  of  as- 
sociation should  be  taken  by  all  the  members  of  the 
confederacy,  and  that  no  distinction  should  be  made 
between  the  old  and  new  Irish.  They  denounce 
the  heaviest  censures  of  the  church  on  those  who 
remain  neutral  in  the  contest ;  and  prohibit,  under 
pain  of  excommunication,  any  injury  to  a  Protestant 
who  was  not  an  adversary  to  their  cause.  They 
direct  that  exact  registers  should  be  kept  of  all 
murders  and  cruelties  committed  by  the  puritans  in 
the  several  provinces,  but  prohibit  retaliation  under 
the  severest  penalties.  They  ordain  that  provin- 
cial assemblies,  composed  of  the  laity  and  clergy, 
should  be  formed  for  local  government,  but  that  the 
chief  authority  should  be  lodged  with  a  national 
council,  to  which  the  others  should  be  subordinate. 
There  were  some  other  regulations  of  minor  im- 
portance, but  the  above  articles  contain  the  sub- 
stance of  the  ordinances  published  by  the  Catholic 
clergy ;  and  we  can  discover  in  them  no  trace  of 
the  bigotry  and  persecuting  spirit  vulgarly  attributed 
to  that  much  calumniated  body. 

The  national  assembly  was  soon  after  convened 
at  Kilkenny ;  it  consisted  principally  of  the  Anglo- 
Irish  nobility,  and  was  conducted  with  all  the  form 
and  order  of  a  regular  parliament.  The  proceed- 
ings of  this  noble  but  unfortunate  body  will  not 
suffer  by  comparison  with  those  of  any  other  con- 
vention that  has  ever  assembled  under  similar  cir- 
cumstances. Having  first  solemnly  professed  their 
unshaken  allegiance  to  the  king,  they  renounce  the 
authority  of  the  Irish  government  administered  in 
Dublin,  u  by  a  malignant  party,  to  his  highness's 
great  disservice,  and  in  compliance  with  their  con- 
federates, the  malignant  party  in  England."  They 
declared  that  they  would  maintain  the  rights  and 
immunities  of  their  national  church  (the  Roman 
Catholic),  as  established  by  the  great  charter.  They 


260  HISTORY  OF  IRELAND. 

profess  to  accept  the  common  law  of  England  and 
the  statutes  of  Ireland,  so  far  as  they  were  not 
contrary  to  the  national  religion  or  the  national 
liberties.  They  erected  provincial  councils  for  the 
administration,  but  allowed  an  appeal  from  their 
decisions  to  THE  SUPREME  COUNCIL  OF  THE  CONFEDER- 
ATE CATHOLICS  OF  IRELAND.  This  body,  which  was 
to  exercise  all  the  functions  of  the  executive  gov- 
ernment, was  to  consist  of  twenty-four  persons 
chosen  by  the  general  assembly.  Nine  members 
should  be  present  to  transact  any  business ;  and  a 
majority  of  two  thirds  was  required  to  give  validity 
to  any  act.  For  the  greater  honour  and  security 
of  this  important  body,  a  guard  was  assigned,  con- 
sisting of  five  hundred  foot  and  two  hundred  horse. 
The  generals  appointed  for  the  conduct  of  the  war 
were  Owen  O'Neill  in  Ulster ;  Preston,  who  had 
lately  come  from  France  with  arms  and  ammuni- 
tion furnished  by  Cardinal  Richelieu,  for  Leinster ; 
Garret  Barry  for  Munster ;  and  Colonel  John  Burke 
for  Connaught.  The  latter  bore  only  the  title  of 
lieutenant-general ;  for  the  confederates  designed 
the  chief  command  for  the  Earl  of  Clanricarde  :  but 
that  nobleman  refused  to  join  the  alliance. 

Though  disappointed  by  Clanricarde,  the  confed- 
erates obtained  a  valuable  assistant  in  Lord  Cas- 
tlehaven,  whom  the  lords-justices  had  forced  into 
their  ranks.  This  nobleman  was  a  peer  of  England 
as  well  as  Ireland.  On  the  breaking  out  of  the 
northern  insurrection,  he  hastened  to  tender  his  ser- 
vices to  the  government,  but  was  mortified  by  a  re 
fusal.  He  then  asked  for  a  passport  to  return  to 
England,  which  was  also  denied ;  and  he  was  then 
prohibited  from  residing  in  Dublin.  Castlehaven 
retired  to  his  estates  in  Kilkenny,  determined  to 
interfere  no  more  in  politics,  and  affording  a  refuge 
to  the  distressed  English  who  were  driven  from 
their  settlements  by  the  insurgents.  He  was  em- 
ployed by  the  lords  of  the  Pale  as  a.  mediator,  U.v 


HISTORY    OF   IRELAND.  261 

transmit  their  remonstrance  to  the  lords-justices, 
and  received,  in  reply,  a  severe  reprimand  for  daring 
to  correspond  with  rebels.  He  again  solicited  per- 
mission to  return  to  his  English  estates,  and  again 
met  a  peremptory  refusal.  After  the  battle  of  Kil- 
rush,  he  prepared  a  dinner  for  the  victorious  Earl 
of  Ormond,  and  feasted  him  and  his  principal  offi- 
cers. The  wretched  creatures  of  government  cir- 
culated a  report  that  this  feast  was  originally  de- 
signed for  Lord  Mountgarret  and  the  confederates ; 
and  soon  after,  on  a  report  that  one  of  his  servants 
had  stolen  a  horse,  he  was  indicted  for  high-treason. 
Castlehaven,  with  the  boldness  of  conscious  inno- 
cence, hastened  to  Dublin,  and  presented  himself  at 
the  council-board.  The  lords-justices  refused  him 
a  hearing,  and  committed  him  to  prison.  His 
brother,  Colonel  Mervin  Touchett,  applied  to  the 
king,  who  was  then  at  York,  that  the  earl  should  be 
tried  by  his  peers.  Charles  referred  the  matter  to 
the  parliament,  and  the  parliament  refused  to  inter- 
fere without  the  king.  After  having  been  detained 
a  prisoner  for  twenty  weeks,  Castlehaven,  justly 
dreading  the  insidious  practices  of  Parsons,  con- 
trived to  make  his  escape.  He  fled  to  Kilkenny, 
and  was  received  with  open  arms  by  the  confeder- 
ates, who,  delighted  by  the  accession  of  an  Eng- 
lish peer,  appointed  him  to  command  the  Leinster 
cavalry  under  Preston. 

The  civil  war  had  now  broken  out  in  England, 
and  the  parliament  sent  over  agents  to  engage  the 
Irish  army  on  their  side.  These  attempts  were 
directly  encouraged  by  Parsons,  who  admitted  the 
parliamentary  emissaries  into  the  privy  council  with- 
out waiting  for  the  royal  sanction.  Ormond,  on  the 
other  hand,  strenuously  laboured  to  keep  the  soldiers 
in  their  allegiance,  and  partially  succeeded.  A  re- 
monstrance, complaining  of  the  manner  in  which  the 
war  had  been  conducted,  was  transmitted  to  Eng- 
land, notwithstanding  all  the  resistance  of  Parsons. 


262  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

and  soon  after,  the  justices  were  further  mortified 
by  being  forced  to  send  over  the  address  of  the  con- 
federates. Conscious  that  the  charges  contained  in 
this  document  were  true,  and  the  requests  reason- 
able, they  addressed  themselves  craftily  to  the  avarice 
of  the  king,  and  the  prejudices  of  the  people.  They 
sent  a  letter  with  the  document,  stating  that  con- 
cessions "  would  be  inconsistent  with  the  means  of 
raising  a  considerable  revenue  to  the  crown,  and 
establishing  religion  and  civility  in  Ireland."  But 
Charles  was  no  longer  under  the  necessity  of  dis- 
sembling with  his  parliament;  he  issued  a  commis- 
sion to  the  Earl  of  Ormond,  Clanricarde,  and  others, 
empowering  them  to  treat  with  the  confederates ; 
he  removed  Parsons  from  the  government,  and  nom- 
inated Sir  H.  Tichburne  in  his  stead. 

The  affairs  of  the  confederates  were  now  in  a  pros- 
perous condition.  Owen  O'Neill  obtained  a  victory 
over  Monroe  in  Ulster;  the  Lords  Castlehaven  and 
Muskerry  defeated  Sir  Charles  Vavasor  at  Kilworth 
in  Minister,  and  confined  Inchiquin  to  his  garrisons. 
Connaught  was  totally  at  their  disposal ;  and  through 
the  rashness  of  Preston,  though  they  had  suffered 
a  defeat  near  Ross,  yet  Ormond,  having  been  pre- 
vented from  improving  his  victory  by  the  treachery 
of  the  parliamentarian  general  Lord  Lisle,  could  not 
boast  of  any  decisive  advantage.  Yet  the  violent 
party  in  the  Irish  privy  council  and  the  English 
House  of  Commons,  whose  neglect  had  reduced  the 
Protestant  forces  to  so  low  an  ebb,  exclaimed  vio- 
lently against  any  negotiation  with  the  insurgents. 
To  remove  every  pretext  from  these  infuriate  bigots, 
Ormond  proposed  that  they  should  suggest  any 
other  mode  for  the  "  /reservation  of  the  kingdom ;  and 
offered  to  continue  the  war,  if  tney  would  supply 
him  with  ten  thousand  pounds,  one  half  in  money, 
and  the  rest  in  victuals. 

This  negotiation  proved  the  ruin  of  the  confeder- 
ates, and  the  destruction  of  the  king.  This  was 


HISTORY    OF    IRELAND.  263 

principally  owing  to  the  conduct  of  the  Earl  of  Or- 
mond,  who  was  far  more  bitterly  opposed  to  the 
Catholic  lords  than  to  the  English  parliament.  His 
hatred  of  popery  and  his  love  of  wealth  were  too 
powerful  for  his  loyalty  ;  and  in  the  hope  of  some 
favourable  circumstances  arising,  he  craftily  pro- 
tracted the  negotiations  until  his  insincerity  was 
manifest  to  all,  and  his  royal  master  ruined.  Un- 
questionably, in  the  situation  of  affairs  at  the  time, 
the  wisest  plan  would  have  been  to  assemble  a  new 
parliament,  which  would  instantly  have  superseded 
the  council  at  Kilkenny,  and  to  have  united  the  roy- 
alists and  confederates  into  one  body.  The  lords  of 
the  Pale  eagerly  desired  such  a  consummation ;  they 
knew  the  secret  of  their  own  weakness.  Dissensions 
had  already  appeared  in  the  supreme  council.  Some 
violent  ecclesiastics  had  insisted  on  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Roman  Catholic  religion  in  all  its  splen- 
dour, and  denounced  their  more  moderate  brethren 
as  traitors  to  the  cause  of  religion.  The  jealousies 
between  the  new  and  old  Irish  had  manifested 
themselves  on  more  than  one  occasion,  and  the 
confederates  at  once  envied  and  dreaded  the  power 
and  popularity  of  O'Neill.  Ormond  knew  all  these 
circumstances ;  and  hoping  at,  once  to  crush  popery, 
and  reap  some  share  of  the  future  harvest  of  con- 
fiscations, he  basely  sacrificed  to  these  unworthy 
motives  the  happiness  of  his  country  and  the  life 
of  his  sovereign. 

The  cessation  of  arms  was  at  length  signed ;  for 
Ormond  steadily  resisted  any  proposals  for  a  final 
arrangement.  The  confederates,  however,  grateful 
for  such  a  respite,  stipulated  for  the  payment  of  thirty 
thousand  pounds  to  the  king ;  one  half  in  money, 
and  the  other  half  in  cattle.  The  war  ought  now 
to  have  been  at  an  end  ;  for  it  is  impossible  to  dis- 
cover any  reasonable  pretext  that  the  most  zealous 
royalist  could  adduce  for  regarding  the  confederates 
any  longer  as  enemies.  The  charter  of  Graces,  for 


264  BISTORT   OF   IRELAND. 

which  alone  they  contended,  had  been  purchased 
from  the  king  at  the  very  beginning  of  his  reign. 
The  conditions  which  it  contained  were  just  and 
reasonable,  such  as  a  monarch  anxious  for  the  wel- 
fare of  his  people  ought  to  have  conceded  in  an  in- 
stant. The  loyalty  of  these  noblemen  to  their  sov- 
ereign was  unquestioned ;  they  were  all  animated 
with  a  generous  zeal  to  rescue  him  from  the  puri- 
tans ;  but  by  the  contrivance  of  Ormond  they  were 
kept  in  a  hostile  position,  and  at  the  same  time  pre- 
vented from  making  use  of  their  arms. 

The  clergy  and  the  old  Irish  were  justly  dissatis- 
fied with  the  truce,  which  had  checked  their  full  tide 
of  success,  and  weakened  their  strength  by  the  loss 
of  the  men  and  money  sent  to  aid  the  king  in  Eng- 
land; they,  however,  confined  themselves  to  remon- 
strances. The  parliamentarians,  on  the  other  hand, 
declared  that  this  alliance  with  murderous  papists, 
as  they  designated  the  lords  of  the  Pale,  was  a  cry- 
ing sin,  and  sent  orders  to  their  generals  to  disre- 
gard the  truce. 

Monroe  and  his  followers  took  the  solemn  league 
and  covenant,  which  had  been  framed  by  the  Scotch 
in  the  beginning  of  their  war  against  the  king.  He 
was  soon  after  appointed  by  the  English  parliament 
commander-in-chief  of  all  their  forces,  and  directed 
to  lead  them  against  all  opponents  of  their  cause. 
The  confederates  now  eagerly  besought  Ormond  to 
place  himself  at  their  head,  and  lead  them  against 
the  Ulster  Scots.  This  would,  however,  have  been 
fatal  to  his  avaricious  views.  He  refused  to  pro- 
claim the  Scots  rebels  ;  and  he  would  not  acknowl- 
edge the  confederates  as  good  subjects.  He  pro- 
fessed, nevertheless,  his  willingness  to  employ  in 
the  king's  service  any  men  or  money  that  might  be 
placed  at  his  disposal.  The  Catholic  lords  were 
not,  however,  now  so  foolishly  confident  in  Or- 
mond's  integrity  as  they  had  been  ;  and  they  in- 
trusted the  command  of  the  forces  sent  against 


HISTORY   OF   IRELAND.  288 

Monroe  to  the  Earl  of  Castlehaven.  Owen  O'Neill 
was  provoked  at  the  distrust  manifested  by  the 
council  of  Kilkenny  in  withholding  from  him  the 
command  of  the  forces  employed  in  Ulster.  Indeed, 
he  seems  to  have  foreseen  that  the  credulity  and 
folly  of  the  confederates  would  prove  the  ruin  of 
their  cause,  and  to  have  determined  on  a  separation 
of  interests.  Castlehaven,  unsupported  by  O'Neill, 
could  do  nothing ;  and  Monroe  persevering  in  his 
usual  inactivity,  the  campaign  in  the  north  produced 
no  important  result. 

In  the  mean  time,  a  deputation  from  the  Catholic 
confederates  proceeded  to  lay  their  demands  before 
the  king ;  and  a  committee  from  the  Protestants  of 
Dublin  was  also  sent  over  to  state  their  proposals 
for  the  pacification  of  the  country.  The  articles 
presented  by  the  rival  parties  are  full  of  instruction  : 
and  we  request  the  reader  to  compare  them  atten- 
lively,  as  they  illustrate  the  objects  and  motives  of 
this  protracted  contest.  The  Catholics  demanded 
"  the  freedom  of  their  religion,  and  a  repeal  of  the 
penal  laws ;  a  free  parliament,  with  a  suspension  of 
Poynings'  law  during  its  session ;  seminaries  in  Ire- 
land for  the  education  of  the  Catholic  lawyers  and 
clergy;  a  general  act  of  pardon  and  oblivion,  and 
the  reversal  of  all  attainders  against  those  who  had 
shared  in  the  war ;  the  exclusion  from  the  Irish 
parliament  of  all  who  were  not  estated  and  resident 
in  Ireland ;  an  act  declaring  the  Irish  parliament  in- 
dependent of  that  in  England ;  an  act  that  no  chief 
governor  should  retain  his  office  more  than  three 
years,  and  that  during  that  time  he  should  be  dis- 
qualified from  acquiring  new  lands  in  the  country  • 
a  parliamentary  inquiry  into  all  the  breaches  of 
quarter  and  acts  of  inhumanity  committed  on  either 
side  during  the  contest ;  the  exclusion  of  all  who 
had  been  guilty  of  such  crimes  from  the  act  of  ob 
livion,  and  their  punishment  in  due  course  of  law.** 
On  the  granting  of  these  propositions,  the  confeder 


966  HISTORY   OF   IRELAND. 

ates  engaged  to  support  the  king  with  their  lives 
and  fortunes,  and  to  contribute  ten  thousand  men 
immediately  for  his  assistance  in  England. 

The  Protestant  deputation  demanded  "the  ligor- 
ous  execution  of  all  penal  statutes  against  recu- 
sants ;  the  immediate  and  total  disarming  of  all 
Catholics ;  the  compelling  them  to  repair  all  damages 
sustained  by  Protestants ;  the  punishment  of  all  of- 
fences committed  by  recusants,  without  pardon  or 
mitigation ;  the  vesting  of  all  the  estates  forfeited 
under  the  administration  of  Parsons  in  the  crown  ; 
and,  after  satisfaction  had  been  made  to  such  as 
claimed  under  the  acts  of  parliament,  the  distribution 
of  the  residue  entirely  to  the  British  planters."  It 
must  be  remembered  that  at  the  time  these  proposals 
were  made  the  confederates  were  in  possession  of 
the  entire  kingdom,  except  Dublin  and  a  few  posts ; 
and  that  six-sevenths  of  the  property  and  popula- 
tion of  Ireland  were  Catholic.  It  is  scarcely  ne- 
cessary to  add,  that  the  claims  then  made  by  the 
confederates  have  been  granted  by  degrees,  as  the 
light  of  knowledge  has  become  gradually  more  dif- 
fused ;  though,  in  that  age,  the  system  advocated 
by  those  violent  Protestants  prevailed,  and  brought 
on  the  country  more  than  a  century  of  misery  and 
degradation. 

Charles,  with  his  usual  indecision,  neither  accepted 
nor  rejected  the  proposals  of  the  confederates.  He 
addressed  them  in  kind  and  soothing  terms  ;  patheti- 
cally lamented  the  difficulties  of  his  situat:on ;  as- 
sured them  that  he  felt  a  tender  interest  in  their  wel- 
fare ;  and  then  threw  the  burden  of  negotiation  on  the 
Marquis  of  Ormond.  This  fatal  vacillation,  to  give 
it  no  harsher  term,  was  ruinous.  The  confederates 
could  not  be  expected  to  rely  on  the  simple  word 
of  a  sovereign  who  had  already  deceived  them  so 
grossly  respecting  the  charter  of  the  Graces.  They 
would  not,  therefore,  move  until  the  treaty  of  pacifi 
ration  was  signed;  and  this  was  delayed  by  the 


HISTORY   OF  IRELAND.  267 


reluctance  of  Ormond,  until  the  king's  cause 
hopeless. 

In  the  midst  of  the  negotiations  an  unexpected 
revolution  took  place  in  Munster.  Inchiquin,  having 
been  refused  the  office  of  lord-president  by  the  king, 
declared  for  the  parliament,  and  made  himself  mas- 
ter of  Cork,  Youghall,  and  Kinsale,  from  which  he 
expelled  all  the  Catholic  inhabitants.  His  examph 
was  followed  by  Lord  Esmond,  who  betrayed  Dun- 
cannon  to  the  parliamentary  forces.  The  Earl  of 
Inchiquin  was  the  lineal  representative  of  the  royal 
race  of  the  O'Briens  ;  but  there  was  never  a  scourge 
of  Ireland  animated  by  a  greater  hatred  of  his  coun- 
trymen. Whether  fighting  for  the  king  or  the  par- 
liament, and  he  changed  sides  more  than  once,  he 
was  invariably  the  bitter  enemy  of  his  countrymen, 
and  the  savage  profaner  of  those  religious  edifices  in 
which  the  ashes  of  his  own  ancestors  reposed.  His 
name  is  preserved  in  the  traditions  of  Munster  as  the 
symbol  of  every  thing  that  is  wicked  and  terrible. 
Nurses  scare  their  children  by  the  threat  of  calling 
black  Morough  O'Brien;  and  the  superstitious  pea- 
sant tells  of  the  curse  that  he  brought  upon  his 
family,  and  the  failure  of  male-heirs  to  the  title  of 
Inchiquin.  His  cruelty  on  one  occasion  presents  a 
remarkable  contrast  to  the  conduct  of  the  Catholics 
at  the  same  place  :  when  he  stormed  Cashel  he  pur- 
sued the  fugitives  into  the  splendid  cathedral  of  that 
city  called  from  its  situation  The  Rock;  there  he 
mercilessly  slaughtered  the  unresisting  multitude, 
and  the  blood  of  no  less  than  twenty  priests  polluted 
the  altars  of  the  God  of  mercy. 

When  the  news  of  this  revolution  reached  the 
council  at  Kilkenny,  they  directed  Lord  Castlehaven 
to  march  against  the  Earl  of  Inchiquin,  while  Pres- 
ton was  sent  to  besiege  D-mcannon.  The  English 
parliament  seemed  in  no  hurry  to  succour  their  new 
partisans.  Duncannon  was  forced  to  surrender  after 
a  short  but  vigorous  siege  ;  and  Castlehaven,  having 


368  HISTORY   OF   IRELAND. 

iefeated  Inchijuin  in  the  field,  proceeded  to  reduce 
ihe  different  castles  along  the  rivers  Lee  and  Black- 
water.  His  enterprises  were  crowned  with  suc- 
cess ;  he  reduced  several  places  of  importance ; 
made  a  great  number  of  leading  men  prisoners;  and 
finally,  advancing  to  the  coast,  laid  siege  to  Youghall, 
though  the  town  was  well  garrisoned,  and  further 
protected  by  two  parliamentary  frigates  that  lay  in 
the  harbour.  Castlehaven  directed  his  lieutenant- 
general,  Purcell,  to  attack  Croker's  works,  which 
formed  an  advanced  post  on  the  south  of  the  walls, 
while  he,  crossing  the  river  Blackwater,  planted 
some  cannon  on  the  ferry  point,  which  juts  out  op- 
posite the  town.  The  fire  of  Castlehaven's  guns  de- 
stroyed one  of  the  frigates ;  but  Purcell  was  defeated 
in  a  sally  of  the  garrison ;  and  before  this  calamity 
could  be  remedied  the  siege  was  raised  by  the  ar- 
rival of  Lord  Broghill.  The  winter  soon  after  set 
in,  and  military  operations  were  laid  aside  to  resume 
the  long  pending  negotiations. 

Orniond  was  resolved  not  to  grant  the  terms  de- 
manded by  the  confederates  ;  and  they,  feeling  that 
they  had  been  more  moderate  than  what  prudence 
or  even  justice  required,  refused  to  recede  from  a 
single  claim.  He  tried  in  vain  to  persuade  them  of 
the  expediency  of  assisting  the  king  as  promptly  as 
possible.  They  very  properly  replied  that  they 
would  not  weaken  themselves  until  the  signature  of 
the  treaty  had  secured  their  future  safety.  During 
this  delay,  Rinunccini,  archbishop  of  Fermo,  ar- 
rived in  Ireland  as  legate  from  the  pope,  and  showed 
himself  as  hostile  to  any  pacification  which  did  noi. 
secure  the  public  establishment  of  the  Romish  re- 
ligion, as  the  ultra-Protestants  were  to  terms  that 
granted  simple  toleration.  Charles,  harassed  by  the 
increasing  difficulties  of  his  affairs,  and  anxiously 
Loping  that  the  promised  aid  from  Ireland  would 
retrieve  his  losses,  determined  to  employ  another 
negotiator,  since  he  found  Ormond  disobedient 


BISTORT   OF   IRELAND.  260 

This  envoy  was  Edward  Lord  Herbert,  son  of  the 
Marquis  of  Worcester,  whom,  for  his  warm  attach- 
ment to  the  royal  cause,  the  king  had  created  Earl 
of  Glamorgan.  He  found  the  confederates  inclined 
to  insist  on  more  favourable  terms  than  they  had 
previously  demanded,  in  consequence  of  Castle- 
haven's  recent  successes;  but  he  had  influence 
enough  to  prevail  upon  them  to  make  both  a  public 
and  a  private  treaty ;  the  latter  of  which,  Glamorgan 
declared,  contained  terms  too  favourable  to  the  Ca- 
tholics to  be  published  at  a  time  when  the  rage 
against  popery  absolutely  amounted  to  a  national 
insanity. 

There  has  been  a  long  dispute  whether  Glamorgan 
did  not  exceed  his  instructions  by  agreeing  to  cer- 
tain articles  in  the  private  treaty ;  and  some  warm 
defenders  of  Charles  assert  that  the  earl  certainly 
exceeded  his  instructions.  The  question  is  not 
really  important,  because  the  principal  additional 
concession  could  have  been  no  disgrace  to  the  king. 
It  was  simply  that  the  Catholics  should  pay  tithes 
to  their  own  ecclesiastics,  and  the  Protestants  to  the 
teachers  of  their  own  church.  Protestant  historians, 
however,  describe  this  article,  and  a  statute  of  simi- 
lar tendency  in  the  reign  of  James,  a  cruel  mockery ; 
because  that  many  ministers  of  the  establishment 
had  notoriously  no  congregations.  To  which  the 
Catholic  writers  reply  by  asking,  why  then  should 
they  be  paid  for  their  instruction  ?  And  it  has  not 
been  our  good  fortune  to  meet  with  a  satisfactory 
answer  to  the  question.  A  second  article  was, 
"  that  the  churches  should  remain  in  the  hands  of 
their  present,  possessors;"  which  has  been  impugned 
and  defended  on  the  same  grounds  as  the  preceding. 

Rinunccini  and  the  papal  party  objected  to  the 
treaties,  as  not  sufficiently  securing  the  establish- 
ment of  the  ancient  religion ;  but  found  few  sup- 
porters among  the  laity.  The  legate,  on  his  way  to 
Ireland,  had  stopped  some  time  at  Paris  ;  and  had 


270  HISTORY  OF   IRELAND. 

there  entered  into  some  negotiations  with  the  Queen 
of  England,  then  at  the  French  court  soliciting  as- 
sistance. Her  bigoted  attachment  to  the  Church  of 
Rome,  and  extraordinary  influence  over  her  husband, 
gave  the  legate  reason  to  hope  that  he  would  be  able 
to  restore  The  influence  of  the  holy  see  over  Ireland 
in  all  its  former  strength  ;  but  he  found  the  great  ma- 
jority of  the  Irish  leaders  little  disposed  to  the  cause 
of  priestly  domination.  The  resistance  of  Rinunc- 
cini  to  the  peace  has  been  made  the  subject  of  count- 
less invectives ;  but  he  can  hardly  be  blamed,  when 
he  had  obtained  a  promise  of  more  favourable  terms 
from  one  whom  he  describes  in  his  Memoirs,  as 
"  queen  over  the  king  himself,  rather  than  over  the 
nation." 

With  much  more  reason  Rinunccini  objected  to 
the  treaty  with  Glamorgan  being  kept  secret.  He 
said,  that  "  if  the  publication  of  these  articles  would 
offend  the  Protestant  royalists,  there  was  reason  to 
dread  that  the  Catholic  princes  on  the  Continent 
would  be  displeased  by  their  concealment ;"  and 
added,  "  that  a  secret  treaty  might  easily  be  dis- 
owned by  the  king  and  his  ministers  whenever  it 
was  their  convenience  to  do  so."  The  latter  argu- 
ment made  a  deep  impression,  especially  on  the 
minds  of  the  old  Irish,  who  had  so  often  suffered  by 
the  violation  of  royal  promises ;  and  an  accidental 
circumstance  soon  proved  that  the  legate's  appre- 
hensions were  not  altogether  groundless. 

A  second  Sir  Charles  Coote,  for  the  former  had 
been  killed  in  a  skirmish  during  the  first  year  of  the 
war,  had  been  sent  by  the  parliament  to  aid  Monroe 
in  Ulster,  and,  unlike  that  general,  soon  distinguish- 
ed himself  by  zeal  and  activity.  He  advanced  into 
Connaught,  and  made  himself  master  of  Sligo,  and 
extended  his  depredations  into  the  neighbouring 
counties.  Sir  James  Dillon  was  sent  with  a  body 
of  eight  hundred  men  to  aid  the  titular  archbishop 
of  Tuam  in  recovering  this  important  post.  The 


HISTORY  OF  IRELAND.  271 

warlike  prelate  assaulted  Sligo,  and  had  nearly  suc- 
ceeded, when  his  soldiers  were  alarmed  by  the  re- 
port of  another  army  advancing  from  the  north. 
Coote  sallied  out,  attacked  the  Irish  army  in  its  re- 
treat, and  put  it  to  the  rout.  The  baggage  of  the 
archbishop  was  taken,  and  in  it  was  found  a  copy 
of  the  treaty  that  had  been  made  with  Glamorgan. 
The  victorious  general  immediately  transmitted  the 
document  to  the  English  parliament,  by  whom  it  was 
at  once  published,  and  extensively  circulated  in 
Britain  and  Ireland. 

All  the  parties  to  the  treaty  were  now  in  a  singu- 
larly awkward  position ;  and  the  efforts  they  made 
to  extricate  themselves  exhibit  scenes  of  treachery, 
meanness,  and  duplicity  in  high  places,  which  would 
be  ludicrous  if  they  were  not  disgusting.  The  king 
set  the  example.  He  boldly  denied  having  given 
Glamorgan  any  authority  to  conclude  such  a  treaty  ; 
he  declared  to  the  English  parliament  that  the  only 
purpose  for  which  the  earl  had  been  sent  to  Ireland 
was  to  raise  forces  for  his  majesty's  service.  This 
he  contradicts  in  a  letter  to  the  Irish  privy  council, 
in  which  he  states  "  that  it  is  possible  he  might 
have  thought  fit  to  have  given  the  Earl  of  Glamor- 
gan such  a  credential  as  might  give  him  credit  with 
the  Roman  Catholics,  in  case  the  marquis  (of  Or- 
mond)  should  find  occasion  to  make  use  of  him, 
either  as  a  further  assurance  to  them  of  what  he 
should  privately  promise,  or  in  case  he  should  judge 
it  necessary  to  manage  those  matters  for  their  greater 
confidence  apart  by  the  earl,  of  whom  they  might  be 
less  jealous."  To  complete  the  whole  inconsistency 
of  his  excuses,  the  king  wrote  a  private  letter  to  the 
Marquis  of  Ormond,  in  which  he  declared  "on  the 
word  of  a  Christian,  he  never  intended  Glamorgan 
should  treat  of  anything  without  his  (the  marquis's) 
approbation,  much  less  his  knowledge."  Glamorgan 
next  appears  upon  the  stage  :  the  lord- lieutenant 
and  Lord  Digby  affecting  to  believe  that  he  had  ex- 


872  HISTORY   OF   IRELAND. 

ceeded  his  powers,  caused  him  to  be  arrested  on  a 
charge  of  high-treason,  and  brought  for  examination 
before  the  council.  Glamorgan's  defence  was  as 
extraordinary  and  as  disgraceful  as  any  part  of  the 
transaction.  He  astounded  his  hearers  by  declaring 
that  "  what  he  did  was  not,  as  he  conceived,  any 
way  obligatory  on  his  majesty;"  to  which  he  added, 
after  some  recollection,  "  and  yet  without  any  just 
blemish  of  my  honour,  honesty,  or  conscience !'' 
To  explain  this  strange  speech  he  produced  a  de~ 
feazance,  signed  the  day  after  the  signature  of  the 
treaty,  and  by  the  same  parties.  It  declared  that 
the  earl,  by  his  engagements,  no  way  intended  "  to 
oblige  his  majesty,  other  than  he  himself  should 
please,  after  he  had  received  the  ten  thousand  men. 
Yet  he  faithfully  promised,  on  his  word  of  honour, 
not  to  acquaint  his  majesty  with  his  defeazance  till 
he  had  used  his  utmost  endeavours  to  procure  the 
fulfilment  of  the  treaty ;  but  when  he  had  made  these 
exertions  he  was  to  be  relieved  from  all  further  re- 
sponsibility ;  he  was  also  bound  by  oath  never  tc 
disclose  this  defeazance  without  the  consent  of  the 
commissioners." 

The  king  sent  a  letter  to  the  Irish  privy  council, 
ordering  that  Glamorgan  should  be  detained  a  pris- 
oner ;  but  at  the  same  time  he  wrote  privately  to 
Ormond,  "  to  suspend  the  execution  of  any  sentence 
against  him  until  the  king  was  informed  fully  of  all 
the  proceedings."  It  will  not  lessen  the  reader's 
surprise  to  learn  that,  notwithstanding  all  this  heat, 
Ormond  had  long  before  received  instructions  from 
the  king  to  conclude  a  peace  with  the  confederates, 
on  terms  nearly,  if  not  fully,  as  favourable  to  the 
Catholics  as  those  granted  by  Glamorgan. 

While  the  earl  remained  in  prison  he  received 
two  letters  from  the  king,  one  designed  to  be  seen 
by  Ormond  and  Digby,  the  other  private  and  confi- 
dential. Both  are  still  preserved  in  the  Harleian 
collection  of  manuscripts  at  the  British  Museum; 


BISTORT   OF   IRELAND.  273 

and  they  illustrate  the  king's  share  in  these  trans- 
actions too  forcibly  to  be  omitted. 

The  first  is  the  ostensible  letter,  and  was  trans- 
mitted officially. 

"  GLAMORGAN, 

"  I  must  clearly  tell  you,  both  you  and  I  have  been 
abused  in  this  business  ;  for  you  have  been  drawn  to 
consent  to  conditions  beyond  your  instructions,  and 
your  treaty  hath  been  divulged  to  all  the  world.  If 
you  had  advised  with  my  lord-lieutenant,  as  you 
promised  me,  all  this  had  been  helped  But  we  must 
look  forward.  Wherefore,  in  a  word,  I  have  com- 
manded as  much  favour  to  be  shown  to  you  as  may 
possibly  stand  with  my  service  or  safety;  and  if  you 
will  yet  trust  my  advice — which  I  have  commanded 
Digby  to  give  you  freely — 1  will  bring  you  so  off, 
that  you  may  be  still  useful  to  me,  and  I  shall  be  able 
to  recompense  you  for  your  affection.  If  not,  I 
cannot  tell  what  to  say.  But  I  will  not  doubt  your 
compliance  in  this,  since  it  so  highly  concerns  the 
good  of  all  my  crowns,  my  own  particular,  and  to 
make  me  have  still  means  to  show  myself 

"  Your  most  assured  friend, 
"  CHARLES  R. 

"  Oxford,  Feb.  3,  1645-6." 

The  second  letter  was  sent  oy  Sir.  J.  Winter, 
Glamorgan's  cousin-german,  a  Roman  Catholic  gen- 
tleman high  in  the  confidence  of  the  queen,  and  who 
had  been  once  her  private  secretary.  Its  address  is 
much  more  familiar  than  that  of  the  preceding. 

"  HERBERT, 

"  I  am  confident  that  this  honest,  trusty  bearer 
will  give  you  good  satisfaction  why  I  have  not  in 
every  thing  done  as  you  desired ;  the  want  of  con- 
fidence in  you  being  so  far  from  being  the  cause 
thereof,  that  I  am  every  day  more  and  more  con- 
I.— X 


274  BISTORT   OF    IRELAND. 

firmed  in  the  trust  that  I  have  of  you.  For,  believe 
me,  it  is  not  in  the  power  of  any  to  make  you  suffer 
in  my  opinion  by  ill  offices.  But  of  this  and  divers 
other  things  I  have  given  to  Sir  J.  Winter  so  full 
instructions,  that  I  will  say  no  more,  but  that  I  am 
"  Your  assured  and  constant  friend, 

"CHARLES  R. 
"  Oxford,  Feb.  28,  1645-6." 

Before  these  letters  reached  Ireland  Glamorgan 
had  been  liberated  on  bail.  At  the  first  news  of  his 
arrest,  the  confederates  at  Kilkenny  determined  to 
rescue  him  by  force  of  arms ;  but  learning  that  the 
threatened  prosecution  was  a  mere  pretence,  they 
resolved  to  remain  quiet. 

We  have  detailed  the  transactions  with  Glamor- 
gan at  rather  disproportionate  length,  not  only  on 
account  of  its  intrinsic  importance,  but  because  of 
the  scandalous  manner  in  which  it  has  been  misrep- 
resented by  several  historians.  Clarendon  omits  the 
proceedings  altogether ;  and  his  silence  is  a  con- 
clusive proof  that  he  believed  the  king's  conduct  in- 
defensible. Hume,  by  a  long  and  laboured  argu- 
ment, endeavours  to  prove  that  the  entire  blame 
rests  on  Glamorgan;  and  declares  that  the  king 
never  could  have  designed  to  show  such  favour  to 
the  Catholics.  Carte,  who  saw  the  original  docu- 
ments, by  suppressing  some  and  misrepresenting 
others,  labours  to  show  that  the  ascendency  of  the 
Protestant  church  in  Ireland  had  been  always  made 
by  Charles  a  primary  article  in  all  instructions  con- 
cerning the  peace.  And  Smollett  declares  that 
*'  the  king  was  incapable  of  dissimulation."  If  there 
be  any  person  who  entertains  any  hesitation  in  pro- 
nouncing the  f'onduct  of  the  king  a  tissue  of  fraud 
and  falsehood,  his  doubts  must  be  removed  by  the 
perusal  of  the  two  following  letters,  addressed  by 
the  wretched  monarch  to  Lord  Glamorgan,  the  ori- 
ginals of  which  are  also  still  preserved  in  the  British 


BISTORT    OF   IRELAND.  275 

Museum.  The  first  is  partially  ostensible ;  Irat  the 
i  oncluding  words  (printed  in  italics)  are  written  in 
ripher. 

"  GLAMORGAN, 

"  I  have  no  time,  nor  do  you  expect  that  I  shall 
make  unnecessary  repetitions  to  you.  Wherefore, 
referring  you  to  Digby  for  business,  this  is  only  to 
give  you  assurance  of  my  constant  friendship  for 
you,  which,  considering  the  general  defection  of 
common  honesty,  is  in  a  sort  requisite.  Howbeit,  I 
know  you  cannot  but  be  confident  of  my  making  good 
all  instructions  and  promises  to  you  and  the  nuncio. 

u  Your  most  assured  constant  friend, 

"  CHARLES  R. 

"  Oxford,  April  5th,  1646." 

The  other  letter  is  as  follows ;  and  its  contents 
decisively  prove  that  Glamorgan's  concessions  to 
the  confederate  Catholics  had  the  king's  full  consent 
and  approbation. 

"  HERBERT, 

"  As  I  doubt  not  but  you  have  too  much  courage  to 
be  dismayed  or  discouraged  at  the  usage  you  have 
had,  so  I  assure  you  that  my  estimation  of  you  is 
nothing  diminished  by  it,  but  rather  begets  in  me  a 
desire  of  revenge  and  reparation  to  us  both  ;  for  in  this 
I  hold  myself  equally  interested  with  you.  Wherefore, 
not  doubting  of  your  accustomed  care  and  industry 
in  my  service,  I  assure  you  of  the  continuance  of  my 
favour  and  protection  to  you,  and  that  in  deeds, 
more  than  in  words,  I  shall  show  myself  to  be 
**  Your  most  assured  constant  friend, 

"  CHARLES  R. 

"Oxford,  April  6th,  1646." 

So  much  for  the  sincerity  of  the  royal  martyr,  in 
his  disavowal  of  Glamorgan's  negotiations  ! 
The  publication  o>  *he  d^feazance,  and  the  refusal 


276  HISTORY    OF    IRELAND. 

of  Ormond  to  recognise  the  secret  articles  to  which 
Glamorgan  had  consented,  destroyed  the  last  re- 
mains of  harmony  in  the  council  of  the  confederates. 
The  Anglo- Irish  lords  had  been  driven  to  revolt  by 
irresistible  compulsion,  and  were  anxious  to  con- 
elude  the  war  on  any  terms.  The  old  Irish  were 
justly  suspicious  of  Ormond,  and  as  justly  indignant 
that  no  care  had  been  taken  of  their  peculiar  inter- 
ests in  either  of  the  treaties.  Rinunccini,  who  knew 
that  negotiations  were  in  progress  at  Paris  between 
Charles  and  the  pope,  insisted  that  they  should  wait 
for  the  pope's  peace.  The  Irish  clergy  declared 
that  no  terms  should  be  accepted  which  did  not  in- 
clude the  ecclesiastical  articles  in  Glamorgan's  secret 
treaty.  Meantime,  the  king's  affairs  had  become 
desperate  ;  and  Ormond,  at  length  awakened  to  the 
dangers  of  delay,  when  it  was  too  late,  consented  to 
the  repeal  of  the  penal  laws,  and  signed  the  treaty 
with  the  confederates  on  the  28th  of  March,  1646. 

Owen  O'Neill  had  been,  during  all  this  time,  em- 
ployed in  training  his  forces,  and  making  such  prep- 
arations as  would  ensure  his  success.  He  con- 
trived to  bring  Monroe  to  an  engagement  at  Ben- 
burb ;  and  though  the  Scottish  general  had  forces 
superior  to  the  Irish  in  number  and  discipline,  O'Neill 
completely  fulfilled  Leven's  prophecy,  and  gained 
the  most  decisive  victory  that  had  occurred  during 
the  war.  While  preparing  to  improve  his  success, 
and  completely  expel  the  parliamentarians  from 
Ulster,  the  northern  general  received  a  letter  from 
Rinunccini,  requiring  him  to  inarch  into  Leinster  to 
overawe  the  confederates.  The  nuncio  had  not  only 
disavowed  the  peace,  but  had  prevailed  upon  a  large 
body  of  the  clergy  to  join  with  him  in  excommuni- 
cating the  commissioners  by  whom  it  had  been 
signed,  and  all  who  ventured  to  observe  it.  In  con- 
sequence of  this  denunciation,  the  heralds  appointed 
to  proclaim  the  treaty  were  violently  assaulted  by 
the  populace  in  several  towns;  and  at  Limerick 


HISTORY   OF   IRELAND.  $77 

the  mayor  and  king-at-arms  hardly  escaped  with 
their  lives.  The  king  had  now  surrendered  himself 
to  the  Scots ;  and  Ormond,  seeing  the  royal  cause 
hopeless,  began  to  negotiate  with  the  parliament. 
The  violence  and  fury  of  the  nuncio  soon  spread 
ruin  through  the  armies  of  the  confederates.  Even 
those  who  had  at  first  been  his  most  strenuous  sup- 
porters became  alarmed  at  the  pernicious  conse- 
quences. Charles  himself  unfortunately  increased 
the  arrogance  of  this  haughty  prelate,  by  declaring, 
in  a  letter  to  Glamorgan,*  that  if  he  could  contrive 
by  any  means  to  make  his  escape,  he  would  throw 
himself  into  the  arms  of  the  nuncio.  Rinunccini, 
elated  by  such  a  prospect,  prevailed  on  Preston  and 
O'Neill  to  join  him,  and,  with  the  two  armies,  laid 
siege  to  Dublin.  Lord  Digby,  who  was  in  Ireland 
on  behalf  of  the  king,  and  was  willing  to  make  any 
sacrifice  in  his  master's  service,  endeavoured  to 
moderate  the  stubbornness  of  Ormond.  Clanricarde 
made  similar  exertions  with  the  nuncio ;  but  both 
were  too  obstinate  to  be  moved. 

*  This  letter  was  first  published  on  the  Continent;  but  Carte  must 
have  been  aware  of  its  existence,  since  he  quotes,  from  the  nuncio's 
Memoirs,  the  pages  immediately  preceding  und  succeeding  that  in  which 
it  occurs.  It  will  at  once  be  seen  that  it  contains  a  complete  refutation 
of  his  defence  of  Charles.  The  following  is  a  copy : — 
"  GLAMORGAN, 

"  I  am  not  so  strictly  guarded  but  that,  if  you  send  to  me  a  prudent  and 
secret  person,  I  can  receive  a  letter,  and  you  may  signify  to  me  your 
mind ;  1  having  always  loved  your  person  and  conversation,  which  I 
ardently  wish  for  at  present  more  than  ever,  if  it  could  be  had  without 
prejudice  to  you,  whose  safety  is  dear  to  me  as  my  own.  If  you  can 
raise  a  large  sum  of  money  by  pawning  my  kingdoms  for  that  purpose,  I 
am  content  you  should  do  it ;  and  if  I  recover  them,  I  will  fully  repay 
that  money;  and  tell  the  nuncio  that  if  once  I  come  into  his  and  your 
hands,  which  ought  extremely  to  be  wisher!  for  by  you  both,  as  well  for 
the  sake  of  England  as  Ireland,  since  all  the  rest,  as  1  see,  despise  rne,  I 
will  do  it;  and  if  I  do  not  say  this  from  my  heart,  or  if  in  any  future 
time  I  fail  you  in  this,  may  God  never  restore  me  to  my  kingdom  in  this 
world,  nor  give  me  ecernal  happiness  in  the  next ;  to  which  I  hope  this 
tribulation  will  conduct  me  at  last,  after  I  have  satisfied  my  obligation! 
to  my  friends  ;  to  none  of  whom  I  am  so  much  obliged  as  to  yoursellj 
whose  merits  towards  me  exceed  all  expressions  that  can  be  used  by 
"  Your  constant  friend, 

«  Newcastle  July  20,  1&46."  «  CHARLES  R. 


278  HI8TORT    Or    IRELAND. 

Ormond  was  soon  avowedly  engaged  in  a  nego- 
tiation with  the  parliamentarians  ;  he  even  declared 
that  he  had  received  an  intimation  from  the  king  to 
submit  to  that  party  rather  than  the  Irish.  That 
this  was  utterly  false  is  clear  from  the  following 
letter  of  Charles : 

"  ORMONDE, 

"  The  large  despatch  from  you  and  Digby  of 
the  2d  and  3d  of  December,  with  the  full  account 
of  your  London  treaty,  I  have  received  by  sev- 
eral messengers ;  thereby  finding,  with  great  con- 
tentment, that  I  am  no  ways  deceived  in  my  confi- 
dence of  you.  For  I  really  and  heartily  approve 
of  all  that  you  have  done  hitherto,  and,  in  partic- 
ular, concerning  Colonel  Preston  ;  but,  for  far- 
ther directions,  I  can  only  say  that  you  must,  in 
no  case,  submit  to  the  CW  JK,*  and  that  you  en- 
deavour what  you  can  to  repiece  your  breach  with 
the  Irish,  in  case  you  can  do  it  with  honour  and  a 
good  conscience ;  both  which  are  so  rightly  under- 
stood by  you,  that  I  will  neither  trouble  you  nor 
myself  with  more  particulars.  I  command  you  to 
follow  such  orders  as  the  queen  and  my  son  shall 
send  you ;  and  so  desiring  to  hear  often  from  you, 
I  rest 

"  Your  most  assured,  real,  faithful, 
*  and  constant  friend, 

"  CHARLKS  R. 

«  Newcastle,  Jan.  5, 1647." 

While  the  council  of  the  confederates,  distracted 
by  the  violence  of  the  nuncio,  and  the  intemperate 
zeal  of  his  followers,  could  neither  be  persuaded  to 
maintain  peace  nor  prosecute  the  war  with  vigour, 
Ormond  completed  his  treaty  with  the  English  par- 

•  It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  mention,  what  is  sufficiently  evident  from 
the  context,  that  these  ciphers  designate  the  English  and  Scottish  par 
liamenta 


BISTORT   OF   IRELAND.  979 

foment,  and  received  their  troops  into  Dublin.  The 
terms  for  which  he  stipulated  were,  a  sum  of  four- 
teen thousand  pounds  to  reimburse  himself  for  his 
private  expenses  during  the  war,  a  pension  of  three 
thousand  pounds  per  annum  for  his  wife,  and  per- 
mission to  reside  in  England,  on  condition  of  sub- 
mitting to  the  authority  of  parliament.  The  puri- 
tans, under  the  command  of  Colonel  Jones,  had  no 
sooner  obtained  possession  of  Dublin,  than  they 
treated  Ormond  with  the  greatest  harshness  and  con- 
tempt. Alarmed  for  his  safety,  he  hastily  embarked 
for  England,  but  had  scarcely  arrived  there  when  he 
learned  that  the  parliament  had  given  orders  for 
his  arrest,  and  he  escaped  precipitately  to  France. 
O'Neill  had  long  despised  the  confederates ;  he  was 
now  equally  weary  of  the  nuncio,  whose  presump- 
tuous folly  had  given  disgust  to  every  reasonable 
man  in  his  own  party.  Even  the  court  of  Rome 
had  signified  its  disapprobation  of  his  proceedings, 
and  refused  to  ratify  his  promises.  The  Catholic 
armies,  too,  had  been  generally  unsuccessful.  Pres- 
ton, after  having  gained  a  splendid  victory  near 
Dublin,  failed  to  improve  his  advantages,  and  soon 
after  suffered  a  defeat.  Inchiquin  gained  severa 
triumphs  over  the  confederates  in  Munster,  and 
pushed  his  depredations  almost  to  the  walls  of  Kil- 
kenny. O'Neill  refused  to  obey  the  general  council, 
declaring  himself  the  soldier  of  the  nuncio.  At  this 
crisis  an  attempt  was  made  by  O'Neill  to  negotiate 
with  the  English  parliament,  whose  cause  he  fore- 
saw must  be  victorious,  from  the  superior  abilities 
of  those  by  whom  it  was  supported.  The  particu- 
lars are  recorded  by  Ludlow,  who  was  one  of  the 
committee  appointed  to  confer  with  the  Ulster  dele- 
gates by  the  council  of  state.  The  Irish  demanded 
indemnity  for  the  past,  the  future  security  of  their 
estates,  and  liberty  of  conscience.  They  complain- 
ed bitterly  of  the  king's  duplicity,  and  declared  that 
they  would  have  made  application  to  the  parliament 


280  HISTORY   OF   IRELAND. 

sooner,  had  not  the  men  in  power  been  obstinately 
determined  on  their  extirpation.  The  puritans, 
however,  hated  popery  too  sincerely  to  grant  it  tot 
eration,  and  the  treaty  was  broken  off  abruptly. 

The  defeat  of  the  confederates  under  Lord  Taafe 
by  the  Earl  of  Inchiquin  so  alarmed  the  council  at 
Kilkenny,  that,  in  spite  of  the  nuncio's  exertions,  it 
was  resolved  to  renew  the  treaty  that  had  been  con- 
cluded with  Ormond,  and  the  Lords  Muskerry  and 
Geoffrey  Browne  were  sent  to  confer  with  the  queen 
and  the  Prince  of  Wales  on  the  subject  at  Paris. 
By  the  influence  of  the  nuncio,  ambassadors  were 
also  sent  to  solicit  assistance  from  the  courts  of 
Rome,  Paris,  and  Madrid.  The  declining  influence 
of  Rinunccini  was  also  shown  in  another  important 
instance.  A  treatise  was  published  by  an  Irish 
Jesuit,  advising  the  nation  to  throw  off  its  allegiance 
to  the  English  crown,  and  choose  a  Catholic  prince 
as  an  independent  sovereign.  The  council,  by  an 
overwhelming  majority,  voted  that  this  mischievous 
work  should  be  publicly  burned  by  the  common 
hangman. 

Muskerry  and  Browne,  on  their  arrival  in  France, 
earnestly  entreated  that  Prince  Charles  should  come 
over  and  place  himself  at  the  head  of  the  Irish  roy- 
alists, a  measure  which  would  probably  have  pro- 
duced a  complete  revolution.  This  was  refused ; 
but  a  promise  was  made  that  a  person  should  soon 
be  sent  over,  empowered  to  give  the  confederates 
every  satisfaction  ;  and  they  were  secretly  assured 
that  the  person  intended  was  Ormond. 

The  answers  received  from  Paris  and  Rome  com- 
pleted the  destruction  of  Rinunccini's  power.  The 
papal  court  had  refused  to  assist  the  confederates 
with  money  or  munitions  of  war,  and  had  farther 
left  them  at  liberty  to  make  any  terms  for  their  re- 
ligion suitable  to  the  circumstances  of  the  time. 
They  now  determined  to  make  a  truce  with  Inchi- 
i,  who  had  of  late  resolved  to  return  to  the  king. 


HISTORY   OF   IRELAND.  281 

party,  being  disgusted  with  the  ingratitude  shown 
him  by  the  parliament,  and  shocked  by  the  abolition 
of  royal  power  m  England.  While  a  secret  nego- 
tiation was  proceeding,  the  puritans  in  Cork  and 
Youghall,  suspecting  the  designs  of  their  leader,  de- 
termined to  secure  these  towns ;  but  the  plot  being 
discovered,  the  principal  leaders  were  thrown  into 
prison.  Inchiquin  was  thus  forced  into  a  premature 
avowal  of  his  designs ;  and  the  nuncio  became  ac- 
quainted with  the  secret  of  the  armistice.  He  de- 
nounced this  treaty,  as  he  had  done  that  of  1646, 
with  the  most  intemperate  violence.  He  excom- 
municated all  those  by  whom  it  was  favoured,  and 
denounced  an  interdict  against  the  places  where  it 
should  be  maintained.  But  these  spiritual  weapons 
had  been  used  so  often,  and  on  such  frivolous  occa- 
sions by  the  nuncio,  that  they  were  no  longer  for- 
midable. The  armistice  was  signed,  and  a  formal 
appeal  made  to  the  pope  against  Rinunccini's  cen- 
sures. It  was  signed  by  two  archbishops,  twelve 
bishops,  all  the  secular  clergy,  and  by  the  Jesuits, 
the  Carmelites,  and  a  great  majority  of  the  Augus- 
tinians,  Dominicans,  and  Franciscans. 

The  nuncio,  and  the  small  portion  of  the  clergy 
that  adhered  to  him,  now  proposed  that  O'Neill 
should  advance  to  Kilkenny,  disperse  the  council  of 
the  confederates,  and  assume  the  dictatorship  of  Ire- 
land; but  O'Neill  wanted  energy  of  character,  and, 
besides,  was  unwilling  to  shed  blood  unless  on  the 
field  of  battle.  He  advanced  for  the  purpose  of 
overawing  the  council ;  but  while  on  his  march,  the 
armistice  was  concluded,  and  he  was  exposed  to  the 
attack  of  the  armies  both  of  Inchiquin  and  Preston, 
each  of  which  was  superior  to  his  own.  By  an  ex- 
ertion of  the  most  consummate  ability  he  extricated 
himself  Kom  these  difficulties,  and  retreated  with 
little  loss  to  Ulster,  while  he  was  proclaimed  a  traitor 
by  the  supreme  council. 


283  BISTORT   OF    IRELAND. 

Another  partisan  of  the  nuncio  was  the  Marquie 
of  Antrim,  who  during  the  whole  struggle  had  ex- 
hibited the  greatest  vanity  and  incapacity.  Through 
the  favour  of  the  queen,  on  whom  his  boasts  pro- 
duced a  very  powerful  impression,  he  had  been  com- 
missioned by  the  king  to  raise  a  body  of  forces  in 
Ulster  to  assist  the  projects  of  Montrose  in  Scot- 
land. Though  he  had  failed  to  execute  his  promises, 
he  solicited  now  the  appointment  of  chief  governor 
of  Ireland ;  and  finding  that  it  was  already  bestowed 
on  Ormond,  he  resolved  to  harass  the  royalists,  whom 
he  could  not  command.  He  appeared  before  Wex- 
ford  with  a  body  of  Scotch  Highlanders  and  discon- 
tented Irish ;  but  was  totally  defeated  by  the  con- 
federates. He  then  entered  into  terms  with  Jones, 
the  parliamentarian  governor,  and  was  permitted  by 
him  to  pass  with  the  relics  of  his  followers  to 
O'Neill's  quarters.  O'Neill  was  at  first  duped  by 
Antrim's  boasting,  and  placed  himself  under  his  com- 
mand ;  but  soon  discovering  his  insignificance,  he 
resumed  his  place  as  general  of  the  northern  Irish. 
It  is  remarkable,  that  Rinunccini  sanctioned  the  ne- 
gotiations of  O'Neill  and  Antrim  with  the  puritans, 
who  had  vowed  the  extirpation  of  popery,  while  he 
denounced  vengeance  on  all  who  treated  with  those 
who  were  willing  to  give  the  professors  of  the  Ro- 
mish religion  every  reasonable  security.  Such  are 
the  inconsistencies  of  bigotry  and  fanaticism. 

Ormond  returned  to  Ireland  with  a  much  more 
sincere  inclination  for  peace  than  he  had  previously 
manifested.  The  treatment  he  had  received  from 
the  parliament  convinced  him  that  nothing  was  to  be 
hoped  from  that  party ;  and  he  resolved  to  devote 
himself  entirely  to  the  king.  But  it  was  now  too 
late  :  the  confederates  could  no  longer  trust  a  man 
who  had  so  grossly  betrayed  the  confidence  which 
they  had  formerly  bestowed;  and  Ormond  found 
that  opportunities  neglected  never  again  return.  He 


HISTORY   OF   IRELAND.  283 

poshed  on  the  negotiations  with  a  vigour  quite  un- 
like his  former  tardiness;  and  was  stimulated  to 
greater  speed  by  the  following  letters,  which  he  re- 
ceived from  the  king,  then  a  prisoner  in  the  Isle  of 
Wight: 

"  ORMOND, 

•*  Lest  you  might  be  misled  by  false  rumours, 
I  have  thought  fit  by  this  to  tell  you  my  true  con- 
dition. I  am  here  in  a  treaty ;  but  such  a  one  as 
if  I  yield  not  to  all  that  is  proposed  to  me,  I  must 
be  a  close  prisoner,  being  still  under  restraint. 
Wherefore,  I  must  command  you  two  things ;  first, 
to  obey  all  my  wife's  commands ;  then,  not  to  obey 
any  public  command  of  mine,  until  I  let  you  know  I 
am  free  from  restraint.  Lastly,  be  not  startled  at 
my  great  concessions  concerning  Ireland,  for  that 
they  will  come  to  nothing.  This  is  all  at  this  time 
i'rom, 

"  Your  most  real,  faithful,  constant  friend, 

«*  CHARLES  R. 

'  Newport,  in  the  Isle  of  Wight, 
«  Oct.  10th,  1648." 

**  ORMOND, 

**I  hope  before  this,  mine  of  the  10th  of  this 
month  will  have  come  to  your  hands.  I  sent  it 
by  the  way  of  France.  This  is  not  only  to  confirm 
the  contents  of  that,  but  also  to  approve  of  certain 
commands  to  you ;  likewise,  to  command  you  to 
prosecute  certain  instructions,  until  I  shall,  under 
my  own  hand,  give  you  other  commands.  And 
though  you  will  hear  that  this  treaty  is  near,  or 
at  least  most  likely  to  be  concluded,  yet  believe  it 
not;  but  pursue  the  way  that  you  are  in  with  all 
possible  vigour.  Deliver  also  that  my  command  to 
all  your  friends,  but  not  in  a  public  way ;  because, 
otherwise,  it  may  be  inconvenient  to  me,  and  parti 


284  HISTORY   OF   IRELAND. 

cularly  to  Inchiquin.    So  being  confident  of  yom 
punctual  observance  of  these  my  directions,  I  rest, 
**  Your  most  real,  faithful,  constant  friend, 

"  CHARLES  R. 

*  Newport,  Saturday, 
"Ktk  Oct.  1648." 

A  few  days  after  having  despatched  this  letter,  the 
king,  whom  sundry  historians  declare  "  incapable  of 
dissimulation,"  declared  to  the  parliamentary  com- 
missioners who  remonstrated  against  Ormond's  re- 
newing his  treaty  with  the  Irish,  "  Since  the  first 
votes  passed  for  the  treaty  (between  the  king  and 
British  parliament)  in  August,  I  have  not  transacted 
any  affairs  concerning  Ireland,  but  with  you,  the 
commissioners,  in  relation  to  the  treaty  itself." 

The  treaty  with  the  confederates  was,  however, 
protracted  by  various  delays  until  the  16th  of  Jan- 
uary, 1649;  and  before  any  advantage  could  be 
taken  of  the  pacification  Charles  had  perished  on  a 
scaffold.  It  is  not  necessary  to  recount  the  particu 
lars  of  this  treaty,*  which  by  the  king's  death  be- 
came waste  paper.  It  is  sufficient  to  say  that  it  im- 
bodied  the  greater  part  of  Glamorgan's  concessions, 
and  provided  for  the  summoning  of  a  new  parlia- 
ment ;  until  which  time  the  power  of  the  lord-lieu- 
tenant was  to  be  shared  by  a  council,  called  Com- 
missioners of  Trust,  elected  by  the  confederates. 

Thus  terminated  the  second  act  of  this  eventful 
drama.  The  fatal  catastrophe  by  which  it  was  to 
be  terminated  could  not  be  foreseen ;  and  every  one 
rejoiced  in  the  hope  that  the  distractions  of  the  coun- 
try were  at  an  end. 

The  wars  might  have  been  concluded  long  before, 

*  On*  of  the  articles  is  too  curious  to  be  omitted.    It  prorides,  "  Thai 
•II  law*  prohibiting  ploughing  by  horse-tails,  and  the  burning  of  oats  i> 
(tM  straw  (an  Irish  substitute  for  thrashing-machines),  should  be  re- 
pealed."   The  reformed  systems  or  religion  and  agriculture  wer»  both 
tnujfht,  it  sppaar»,  by  th*  eomprebensive  agency  of  penal  law* 


HISTORY  OF   1RKLAN0.  f8f 

had  any  of  the  parties  acted  with  vigour,  consistency, 
or  honesty.  The  king's  notorious  duplicity,  mani- 
fested in  every  act  of  his  Irish  government,  made 
him  suspected  by  all.  The  cruelty  and  tyranny  of 
Parsons,  Coote,  St.  Leger,  and  others  prevented  the 
confederates  from  laying  down  their  arms  until  suffi- 
cient security  had  been  given  for  their  lives  and  prop- 
erty. Ormond,  avaricious  and  bigoted,  was  reluc- 
tant to  grant  such  security;  and  they  themselves 
prevented  O'Neill  from  obtaining  it  by  force.  The 
council  of  Kilkenny  yielded  to  ancient  prejudices 
and  the  spleen  of  party.  The  fanaticism  of  Ri- 
nunccini  and  his  associates  created  a  new  source  of 
irreconcilable  discord.  And  finally,  O'Neill,  the  only 
man  who  could  have  saved  the  country,  was  cursed 
by  the  support  of  the  intolerant  clergy;  and  justly 
fearing  the  increase  of  their  power,  showed  inde- 
cision when  promptitude  was  most  necessary.  Bitter 
was  the  penalty  paid  for  these  errors.  An  avenger 
was  now  at  hand,  who  involved  the  foolish  and  th« 
criminal  in  one  common  ruin. 


un>  or  voi.  *. 


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